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		<title>Attempted Murder, Escape from Custody, and Embezzlement: the Twists and Turns of the Rodovid Bank case</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/attempted-murder-escape-from-custody-and-embezzlement-the-twists-and-turns-of-the-rodovid-bank-case/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Оксана Копійчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 10 Jun 2026 08:01:12 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>The collapse of Rodovid Bank, which forced the government to bail it out with public money, was once considered one of the dirtiest banking schemes of the independence era.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/attempted-murder-escape-from-custody-and-embezzlement-the-twists-and-turns-of-the-rodovid-bank-case/">Attempted Murder, Escape from Custody, and Embezzlement: the Twists and Turns of the Rodovid Bank case</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The collapse of Rodovid Bank, which forced the government to bail it out with public money, was once considered one of the dirtiest banking schemes of the independence era. Yet the bank kept being looted even after it became state-owned. </span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This eventually grew into a sprawling network of criminal cases investigated by various agencies. There is a plea agreement, there are verdicts — one still on appeal, another carrying no real punishment — and the episode concerning the main defendant is still being heard. But the central question — whether the hundreds of millions of hryvnias siphoned out of the bank will be returned to the state — remains open.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In April 2026, the High Anti-Corruption Court (HACC) handed down a </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/135596396"><span style="font-weight: 400;">verdict</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in a case that dates back to the 2008–2009 crisis: the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42018000000000824"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Rodovid Bank case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Dmytro Yehorenko, the former chairman of the bank&#8217;s board, was found guilty of aiding and abetting the misappropriation of more than UAH 18 million in state funds and of forgery in office committed by conspiracy. He was sentenced to 10 years&#8217; imprisonment with confiscation of property, but the same verdict released him from serving the sentence — because the statute of limitations had run out. </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, the defense filed an appeal against this verdict.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/foto-YEgorenko.jpeg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-full wp-image-33081 aligncenter" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/foto-YEgorenko.jpeg" alt="" width="827" height="500" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/foto-YEgorenko.jpeg 827w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/foto-YEgorenko-400x242.jpeg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/foto-YEgorenko-768x464.jpeg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 827px) 100vw, 827px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Yehorenko, far left. Photo credit: UNIAN</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This was the predictable outcome of an investigation that began fourteen years before the case was sent to trial and that was handled by at least three different bodies. Over that time the investigation was suspended and resumed at least eight times, and it ultimately reached court only after the statute of limitations had expired for one of the charged crimes — forgery in office. Yehorenko himself declined to have the proceedings closed on limitation grounds, so the court considered all the charges together. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The investigation was launched in May 2010 by a unit of the Security Service of Ukraine&#8217;s Kyiv directorate, and in October that year the case was handed to the SSU&#8217;s Main Investigation Directorate. From 2015 to 2018, the investigation was conducted by a unit of the Main Military Prosecutor&#8217;s Office within the Prosecutor General&#8217;s Office of Ukraine. Finally, in November 2019, the case materials were handed over to the NABU.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But the UAH 18 million attributed to Yehorenko is small change against the far larger episodes of looting at the bank, in particular the UAH 300 million in “Rodovid money,” proceedings over which are still ongoing. </span></p>
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			            	The UAH 18 million attributed to Yehorenko is small change against the far larger episodes of looting at the bank, in particular the UAH 300 million in “Rodovid money,” proceedings over which are still ongoing. 
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			            	Oksana Kopiichuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Background: why Rodovid Bank fell into crisis</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Rodovid Bank grew rapidly in 2005–2006 — and fell just as rapidly during the 2008 crisis. As of early 2009, it was the </span><a href="https://mind.ua/publications/20254217-bad-bank-yakij-lusnuv-chomu-rodovid-ne-vporavsya-z-rozchishchennyam-toksichnih-borgiv"><span style="font-weight: 400;">19th largest Ukrainian bank by assets</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. But behind that outward scale lay a far less rosy picture: roughly 80% of corporate loans were unrecoverable, and the share of non-performing loans to individuals reached 47%. In other words, the bank had effectively ceased to exist as a functioning financial institution — its fall was only a matter of time.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Investigators never fully established who siphoned off assets in the pre-crisis period, or when. The bank&#8217;s owners hid behind a chain of shell companies. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One well-known episode illustrates the logic of what was happening, even though it does not directly relate to this criminal case. In 2008, Firtash&#8217;s UkrGazEnergo placed roughly half a billion hryvnias on deposit at 9% per annum. A year later, three days before temporary administration was introduced, the rate was raised to 48% — three times the market rate. Later, once the bank was already </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1202-2009-%D0%BF#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">state-owned</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the Firtash structure received UAH 284 million in accrued interest. A court subsequently declared the agreement void, but no one was ever held criminally liable for this episode.</span></p>
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			            	Behind that outward scale lay a far less rosy picture: roughly 80% of corporate loans were unrecoverable, and the share of non-performing loans to individuals reached 47%. In other words, the bank had effectively ceased to exist as a functioning financial institution — its fall was only a matter of time.
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			            	Oksana Kopiichuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nationalization and another round of plunder</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Rodovid&#8217;s bankruptcy was among the most high-profile of all such cases at the time. The government of Yulia Tymoshenko decided to rescue it, recapitalizing the bank with an </span><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/news/248860293"><span style="font-weight: 400;">injection</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of UAH 8.4 billion — almost $1 billion at the time. As a result of this “rescue” operation, 99.97% of the bank&#8217;s shares passed into state ownership. But the plunder continued even after the bank became state-owned, as we describe in more detail below.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/photo_sizeds.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-full wp-image-33083 aligncenter" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/photo_sizeds.jpg" alt="" width="620" height="370" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/photo_sizeds.jpg 620w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/photo_sizeds-400x239.jpg 400w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 620px) 100vw, 620px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lines outside Rodovid Bank during its collapse</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Formally, the bank was taken over by temporary administrator Serhii Shcherbyna. But in practice, according to investigators, everything was run by Oleksandr Shepelev — a former MP of the fifth and sixth convocations and, in the past, a member of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc faction, which he left in 2007 to join the Party of Regions faction. He is the one charged with </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/uk/documents/135596396"><span style="font-weight: 400;">organizing</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the embezzlement scheme. Yehorenko was an accessory in it — the man with signing authority who knew the bank&#8217;s internal paperwork.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Oleksandr-Shepelev.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-full wp-image-33085 aligncenter" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Oleksandr-Shepelev.jpg" alt="" width="630" height="360" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Oleksandr-Shepelev.jpg 630w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/Oleksandr-Shepelev-400x229.jpg 400w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 630px) 100vw, 630px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Shepelev</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the time of these events, Shepelev was an </span><a href="https://people.rada.gov.ua/body/view/mp-but55_skl6/card3/sp:dark:max100#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">MP</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and held positions on the Verkhovna Rada&#8217;s Committee on Finance and Banking, as well as on the privatization commission. According to investigators, he declared himself the bank&#8217;s unofficial overseer on behalf of the Cabinet of Ministers, took a separate office at the premises on Sahaidachnoho Street, and began running the institution with no signing authority but through verbal instructions. He installed his own people in key positions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The fictitious documents were signed by Dmytro Yehorenko, who before temporary administration was introduced had served as acting chairman of the board and, from 2009, as full chairman without the “acting” prefix. He did not organize the scheme or draw up the documents — the papers were simply brought to him ready-made. But he signed them, aware that there were no grounds for transferring the funds. The court qualified his role as aiding and abetting and noted separately that Yehorenko gained no personal financial benefit.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to the </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/123897728"><span style="font-weight: 400;">verdict</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the scheme was simple. Shepelev&#8217;s wife, Halyna, acquired ownership of an administrative building in central Kyiv through a relative linked to the same circle, who had purchased it from EBRF CJSC, a company controlled by that same group. Next came a fictitious lease: the bank supposedly rented this building. Contracts, acceptance certificates, and supplementary agreements were all backdated, marked February 2009 — that is, before temporary administration was introduced — and some documents were dated as far back as 2006. The aim was to disguise the crime as a business relationship that had supposedly existed long before the bank became state-owned.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/2007-10-18-003.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-full wp-image-33087 aligncenter" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/2007-10-18-003.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="600" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/2007-10-18-003.jpg 800w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/2007-10-18-003-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/2007-10-18-003-768x576.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The building on Sahaidachnoho Street near the funicular in Kyiv that once housed Rodovid Bank&#8217;s head office </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the basis of these documents, between September 2009 and March 2010 Shcherbyna made nine payments totaling almost UAH 18.5 million to Halyna Shepeleva&#8217;s account. More than UAH 17 million of this was withdrawn in cash through the bank&#8217;s teller and used by the couple as they saw fit.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The court established that the bank did not actually use the building. No relocation, no furniture, no utility payments — nothing to confirm a genuine tenancy. In April 2010, an audit commission inspected the premises and found only renovation work underway.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2014, Ekonomichna Pravda </span><a href="https://epravda.com.ua/publications/2014/08/19/483501/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">described</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Rodovid&#8217;s collapse as “the dirtiest banking scam of the independence era” and asked: where did the money go, and would anyone be held to account? There are now some answers.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The losses in the Yehorenko case, confirmed by forensic economic examination, amount to almost UAH 18.5 million. No civil claim for compensation was filed, since a separate </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/91538029"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ruling</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in a civil case had already ordered UAH 18 million recovered from Halyna Shepeleva in the bank&#8217;s favor. </span></p>
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			            	The court established that the bank did not actually use the building. No relocation, no furniture, no utility payments — nothing to confirm a genuine tenancy.
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			            	Oksana Kopiichuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What the court decided in the Yehorenko case</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HACC received the indictment on January 31, 2024, and within a month and a half moved to consideration on the merits, </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/117884080"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ruling</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to hold special judicial proceedings in absentia against Yehorenko, who had been wanted since 2018 and, as of February 7, 2019, under arrest in absentia imposed by the Pechersk District Court of Kyiv. </span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/ogoloshennya-MVS.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-full wp-image-33090 aligncenter" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/ogoloshennya-MVS.jpg" alt="" width="1140" height="798" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/ogoloshennya-MVS.jpg 1140w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/ogoloshennya-MVS-400x280.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/ogoloshennya-MVS-768x538.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1140px) 100vw, 1140px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The wanted notice for Dmytro Yehorenko on the Interior Ministry website</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Once the case reached trial, however, Yehorenko did express a wish to take part in the hearings remotely. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over two years, the court examined thousands of pages of documents, questioned witnesses, and ruled on dozens of defense motions. He did not plead guilty. His reasoning ran that, as the owner of 34% of the bank&#8217;s authorized capital who had served first as acting chairman of the board and then as chairman, he knew the institution well from the inside. Yehorenko insisted that the building was genuinely leased and that some of the bank&#8217;s units had moved in there — security, programmers, and the regional directorate. He denied signing any fictitious documents, claimed the bank had no “overseer” at all, and said Shepelev had no workplace there and only occasionally dropped by to see Shcherbyna. In the end, the court rejected all these arguments.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On April 9, 2026, a panel of HACC judges </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/135596396"><span style="font-weight: 400;">found</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Yehorenko guilty under two articles: aiding and abetting the misappropriation of property through abuse of official position (Article 27(5) and Article 191(5) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine) and forgery in office by prior conspiracy (Article 28(2) and Article 366(1) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine). The court sentenced him to 10 years&#8217; imprisonment with confiscation of property and immediately released him from serving it. The reason: the statute of limitations on the more serious offense expired on March 4, 2025, and on the forgery charge back in 2013. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Notably, Yehorenko himself had objected to closing the proceedings on limitation grounds and had insisted on a trial on the merits. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yehorenko&#8217;s defense filed an appeal against the trial court&#8217;s verdict. On the basis of these appeals, on May 22, 2026, the HACC Appeals Chamber opened appellate proceedings. </span></p>
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			            	Over two years, the court examined thousands of pages of documents, questioned witnesses, and ruled on dozens of defense motions. He did not plead guilty.
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			            	Oksana Kopiichuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Where the other defendants are now</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Rodovid case is not a single verdict over UAH 18 million siphoned off through a fake lease, but a sprawling network of proceedings moving at different speeds. The total losses inflicted on the bank after nationalization run into the hundreds of millions of hryvnias, and the central episode still awaits resolution.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The bank&#8217;s temporary administrator, Serhii Shcherbyna, entered a plea agreement back in 2017 — as the perpetrator of the same crime in which Yehorenko was found to be an accessory. By available accounts, as of 2025 he is in prison.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/galyna-shepeleva.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="size-full wp-image-33092 aligncenter" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/galyna-shepeleva.jpg" alt="" width="700" height="467" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/galyna-shepeleva.jpg 700w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/06/galyna-shepeleva-400x267.jpg 400w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Halyna Shepeleva</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Halyna Shepeleva was convicted by a </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/123897728"><span style="font-weight: 400;">verdict</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the Shevchenkivskyi District Court of Kyiv on December 18, 2024, and sentenced to 7 years&#8217; imprisonment, a 3-year ban on holding certain positions, and confiscation of property. She did not plead guilty, claiming she had signed documents without going into the details because she was busy with the family rather than the bank&#8217;s affairs. The verdict has not yet taken legal effect — the defense has filed an appeal. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The main defendant in the case remains Oleksandr Shepelev, a former member of both the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and the Party of Regions. Investigators regard him as the architect of the entire scheme, which contains far more episodes than the ones Yehorenko was tried for. The NABU and the SAPO </span><a href="https://nabu.gov.ua/activity/reestr-sprav/zavolodinnya-koshtamy-nardepom/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">accuse</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Shepelev of organizing a scheme to misappropriate over UAH 300 million of Rodovid&#8217;s funds. According to investigators, this money went to pay for fictitious services from a firm close to Shepelev, and another UAH 40 million, as Shcherbyna stated, went to renovate a building leased from Shepelev himself. Shcherbyna, the bank&#8217;s temporary administrator, supposedly had to certify the allocation of this money with his signature under pressure, but on the record he later called those decisions criminal.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The indictment over the UAH 300 million that Shepelev is charged with embezzling reached the HACC in January 2022. Consideration on the merits began that October and </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/12013000000000507"><span style="font-weight: 400;">continues</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to this day. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But Shepelev&#8217;s record extends far beyond Rodovid. In 2013 he was detained in Budapest: Ukraine suspected him of organizing the murders of an Interior Ministry colonel and a banker, the attempted murder of another banker, and the embezzlement of state funds earmarked for the rescue of the recently nationalized bank. In March 2014 he was </span><a href="https://lb.ua/news/2014/03/26/260885_shepeleva_ekstradirovali_ukrainu.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">extradited</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to Ukraine and taken into custody. Soon afterward, Shepelev faked an illness and was transferred to an emergency hospital, from which he escaped that July by bribing a guard. He went into hiding in Russia, where he was granted refuge in exchange for testimony against a number of Ukrainian politicians and cooperation with the FSB — which became the basis for opening a high treason case against him. However, after a falling-out with Russian law enforcement over an attempted bribe, he returned to Ukraine, and in February 2018 he was detained near Kyiv carrying the ID of a lieutenant colonel of the “MGB” of the so-called “DPR.”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2020, the Desnianskyi District Court of Kyiv </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/90849596"><span style="font-weight: 400;">sentenced</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Shepelev to 7 years for escaping custody and bribing a guard. The court established that, while in custody at a Kyiv hospital, Shepelev passed money to the head guard three times — twice UAH 500 and once $100 — so that the guard would ignore his having a phone. On July 6, 2014, he left the hospital through the utility rooms and illegally crossed out of Ukraine. Shepelev did not plead guilty, claiming the entire prosecution was Yanukovych&#8217;s personal revenge — supposedly because Shepelev had gone against him. The Court of Appeal </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/108725598"><span style="font-weight: 400;">upheld</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the verdict.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2022, the Obolonskyi District Court of Kyiv, on top of the earlier verdict, </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/105605520"><span style="font-weight: 400;">sentenced</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Shepelev to 15 years for organizing the murder of Serhii Kyrychenko, chairman of the supervisory board of the Donetsk-based AvtoKrAZBank. According to the prosecution, Shepelev eliminated him as a competitor: he hired a hitman for $40,000, who stabbed the victim at least 14 times in the entrance hall of a building in Donetsk. This happened back in January 2003. The court partially granted the civil claim brought by the victim&#8217;s daughter for UAH 2.5 million in moral damages. The appeal largely upheld the verdict but credited his prior time in detention. The cassation court, in turn, also </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/123141263"><span style="font-weight: 400;">counted the sentence</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for escaping custody toward this term — and found that Shepelev had fully served his sentence for this murder. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Beyond these two convictions, the Solomianskyi District Court of Kyiv is currently hearing another case involving Shepelev — over the contract killing of Roman Yerokhin, a colonel in the Interior Ministry&#8217;s organized crime directorate (UBOZ), in 2006. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As of May 2026, the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/12013000000000507"><span style="font-weight: 400;">case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the “Rodovid millions” before the HACC is at the stage of examining evidence — the defense is currently presenting its materials. At a hearing on May 4, defense counsel tried to add to the case file the testimony of the bank&#8217;s temporary administrator, Serhii Shcherbyna, and other witnesses — testimony they had given in another criminal proceeding. The panel of judges denied the motion: if the defense wants these witnesses&#8217; testimony, it can question them directly in this case. The defense lawyers agreed with the ruling. So, in the near future, the Shepelev case will likely see the questioning of witnesses and defendants from the Rodovid Bank case. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Defense counsel also maintains that much of the evidence he has submitted points, in his view, to the political persecution of his client. The defense argues that the charges against Shepelev were fabricated because of the change of power after the Revolution of Dignity and his client&#8217;s political ties to the Yanukovych regime, against which he had supposedly turned. In effect, the defense is trying to portray Shepelev as a victim of political reprisals — despite the fact that he has several convictions for crimes unrelated to this case. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Shepelev himself is currently in a pretrial detention facility. He takes part in hearings by videoconference. In the proceedings he communicates exclusively in Russian. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Although the case has dragged on for years, Shepelev himself has done everything to give the court a chance to get through it in time — inadvertently extending the limitation periods through his own crimes. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Criminal Code of Ukraine provides that the statute of limitations is suspended if a person evades the investigation or the court. Shepelev fled Ukrainian law enforcement twice: first to Hungary and then, after he was handed over to Ukraine, once more — this time to Russia, and with yet another crime to his name. There he cooperated with hostile intelligence services, as well as with Russian gauleiters in the so-called “DPR.”</span></p>
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			            	The main defendant in the case remains Oleksandr Shepelev, a former member of both the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and the Party of Regions. Investigators regard him as the architect of the entire scheme, which contains far more episodes than the ones Yehorenko was tried for.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Oksana Kopiichuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The running of the limitation period can also be interrupted if the defendant commits a new crime before the previous period expires. In that case, the period starts over from the commission of the latest crime. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Shepelev “made use” of this too: after the Rodovid case began, he committed new serious crimes — escaping custody and bribing a guard. It is from the date of the escape, July 6, 2014, that the 15-year limitation period begins to run, expiring in July 2029. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If a verdict in the case over the embezzlement of Rodovid&#8217;s funds is not handed down before that date, the case may be closed on limitation grounds. So Yehorenko&#8217;s fate — convicted, but walking free — is not yet what threatens Shepelev. But that depends on the court finishing the trial in time. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Rodovid case vividly illustrates the systemic problem of complex cases being investigated too slowly. Yehorenko received a verdict but served no punishment. Only a small fraction of the losses has been recovered for the state. Another defendant is still waiting for the court to rule on his case. Whether society&#8217;s demand for justice in this case will be satisfied remains an open question.</span></p>
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			            	If a verdict in the case over the embezzlement of Rodovid&#8217;s funds is not handed down before that date, the case may be closed on limitation grounds.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Oksana Kopiichuk
			            </p>
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</p></div>
</p></div>
<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/attempted-murder-escape-from-custody-and-embezzlement-the-twists-and-turns-of-the-rodovid-bank-case/">Attempted Murder, Escape from Custody, and Embezzlement: the Twists and Turns of the Rodovid Bank case</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Ranking of the 22 HACC Judge Candidates</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ranking-of-the-22-hacc-judge-candidates/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 29 May 2026 14:13:49 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=33072</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The High Qualification Commission of Judges (HQCJ) has completed the dossier review and interview stage for the 22 candidates for judge positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ranking-of-the-22-hacc-judge-candidates/">Ranking of the 22 HACC Judge Candidates</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The High Qualification Commission of Judges (HQCJ) has completed the dossier review and interview stage for the 22 candidates for judge positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">These lawyers are the ones who earlier cleared the rigorous filter of the Public Council of International Experts (PCIE). The Commission has now assigned the final scores that will determine the winners of the competition.</span></p>
<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">How the ranking was formed</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In April and May, the HQCJ</span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-competition-the-first-candidates-will-receive-their-final-scores/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">reviewed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the candidates&#8217; dossiers and held interviews, assessing their professional competence, integrity, and compliance with the criteria of professional ethics.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In total, a candidate could earn up to 800 points:</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">400 points for the exam, which comprised testing and a practical assignment, and</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">400 points for the dossier review and interview stage with the HQCJ.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The current ranking of all participants is as follows.</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></td>
<td><b>Candidates</b></td>
<td><b>Exam (max. 400)</b></td>
<td><b>Interview with the HQCJ (max. 400)</b></td>
<td><b>Ranking score</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">1</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olena Tanasevych</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">372.22</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">394</span></td>
<td><b>766.22</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">2</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kateryna Sikora</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">360.92</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">396.33</span></td>
<td><b>757.25</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">3</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Chaikin</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">358.01</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">389.67</span></td>
<td><b>747.68</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">4</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Inna Smal</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">351.64</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">391</span></td>
<td><b>742.64</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">5</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nataliia Doroshenko</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">343.93</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">396.17</span></td>
<td><b>740.1</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">6</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Rubashchenko</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">350.33</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">385.67</span></td>
<td><b>736</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">7</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Natalia Movchan</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">335.65</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">398.67</span></td>
<td><b>734.32</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">8</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oksana Hutsal</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">355.87</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">378.33</span></td>
<td><b>734.2</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">9</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vladyslav Kukhta</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">348.54</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">385.33</span></td>
<td><b>733.87</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">10</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Marta-Mariia Yatsynina</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">357.86</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">375.67</span></td>
<td><b>733.53</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">11</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Denys Kovalenko</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">349.19</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">383.33</span></td>
<td><b>732.52</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">12</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Iryna Teslenko</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">351.85</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">380.67</span></td>
<td><b>732.52</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">13</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevhen Didenko</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">352.13</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">380.33</span></td>
<td><b>732.46</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">14</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Antypenko</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">352.51</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">379.83</span></td>
<td><b>732.34</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">15</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Dudchenko</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">348.79</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">379.33</span></td>
<td><b>728.12</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">16</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lesia Skreklia</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">341.29</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">386</span></td>
<td><b>727.29</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">17</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vitalii Koriahin</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">347.83</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">375.67</span></td>
<td><b>723.5</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">18</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Khamkhodera</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">337.98</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">381.33</span></td>
<td><b>719.31</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">19</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Pika</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">337.07</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">381.17</span></td>
<td><b>718.24</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">20</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yuliia Retynska</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">333.57</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">383.33</span></td>
<td><b>716.9</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">21</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tetiana Troian</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">327.27</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">385.67</span></td>
<td><b>712.94</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">22</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olha Pevna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">327.75</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">382.33</span></td>
<td><b>710.08</b></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HQCJ will next officially compile and approve this final ranking, under which some candidates will receive the Commission&#8217;s recommendation for appointment as HACC judges, and others as judges of the HACC Appeals Chamber.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The competition, however, will not end with the ranking, as the final word rests with the High Council of Justice. It may decline to submit to the President of Ukraine a recommendation for a candidate&#8217;s appointment, despite the completed competition, if doubts remain about the candidate&#8217;s integrity or professional ethics, or if other circumstances emerge that could undermine public trust in the judiciary following such an appointment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For candidates who get the green light, the HCJ will submit a recommendation to the President for their appointment as judges.</span></p>
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			            	The competition, however, will not end with the ranking, as the final word rests with the High Council of Justice. It may decline to submit to the President of Ukraine a recommendation for a candidate&#8217;s appointment, despite the completed competition, if doubts remain about the candidate&#8217;s integrity or professional ethics
			            </p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What lies ahead</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Increasing the number of HACC judges remains one of the key tasks for strengthening the court&#8217;s work. Among other things, it determines whether top corruption cases are heard within reasonable deadlines.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The results of the competition also create a practical challenge. Some of the sitting first-instance HACC judges will likely move to the Appeals Chamber. In particular, the high-scoring candidates include sitting HACC judges Kateryna Sikora, Natalia Movchan, and Olena Tanasevych.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If these judges are appointed to the Appeals Chamber, new vacancies will open at the first-instance HACC. That is precisely why, alongside strengthening the appellate level, the first-instance HACC must be ensured adequate capacity. Without this, the risk of drawn-out proceedings will only grow.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also worth bearing in mind that the cases pending before these first-instance HACC judges will become subject to a hearing from the start. This is an</span><a href="https://justtalk.com.ua/post/koli-printsip-blokue-pravosuddya-bezposerednist-sudovogo-rozglyadu-pri-zamini-suddi"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">outdated happroach</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that does not account for the modern means of recording court proceedings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate issue is the future of international experts&#8217; involvement in the selection of HACC judges. The current competition is being held with the participation of the Public Council of International Experts, which has become one of the most important safeguards against the appointment of candidates lacking integrity. But unless parliament extends its mandate, it will be impossible to hold future competitions under the same transparent and high-quality procedure.</span></p>
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			            	If these judges are appointed to the Appeals Chamber, new vacancies will open at the first-instance HACC. That is precisely why, alongside strengthening the appellate level, the first-instance HACC must be ensured adequate capacity.
			            </p>
</p></div>
</p></div>
</p></div>
<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ranking-of-the-22-hacc-judge-candidates/">Ranking of the 22 HACC Judge Candidates</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>When a Principle Blocks Justice: Immediacy of Trial When a Judge Is Replaced</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/when-a-principle-blocks-justice-immediacy-of-trial-when-a-judge-is-replaced/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2026 10:49:03 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=33033</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>A change in the bench can wipe out years of work — and that is exactly what the HACC may face if, as a result of the latest Anti-Corruption Court competition, three of its judges move up to the Appeals Chamber. At the heart of the problem lies the principle of immediacy. So how do we strike a balance between the quality of justice and reasonable time limits?</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/when-a-principle-blocks-justice-immediacy-of-trial-when-a-judge-is-replaced/">When a Principle Blocks Justice: Immediacy of Trial When a Judge Is Replaced</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">A change in the bench can wipe out years of work — and that is exactly what the HACC may face if, as a result of the latest Anti-Corruption Court competition, three of its judges move up to the Appeals Chamber. At the heart of the problem lies the principle of immediacy. So how do we strike a balance between the quality of justice and reasonable time limits? </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One of the cornerstones of criminal procedure is the principle that the court must directly examine testimony, items, and documents — set out in Article 23 of Ukraine&#8217;s Criminal Procedure Code. The idea is that a judge must personally see, hear, and examine all evidence in the case before issuing a ruling. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under this rule, a court may not base its conclusions on summaries or interrogation transcripts compiled by investigators during the pre-trial stage. The judge must personally question the witness, examine physical evidence and documents, and hear the accused “live.” The point of immediacy, in particular, is that only live exchange reveals the emotion, hesitation, or contradictions that no transcript can convey — and only this, ultimately, allows the truth to be established.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yet lengthy trials face familiar disruptions tied to judges&#8217; lives — staff changes, maternity leave, retirement. These can wipe out progress in a case overnight and force everything to start from scratch. Whether such approaches are really justified is what we examine below.</span></p>
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			            	One of the cornerstones of criminal procedure is the principle that the court must directly examine testimony, items, and documents — set out in Article 23 of Ukraine&#8217;s Criminal Procedure Code. The idea is that a judge must personally see, hear, and examine all evidence in the case before issuing a ruling. 
			            </p>
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<h3><b>From the princely court to “paper pushing”: a history of the principle</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The </span><a href="https://nasplib.isofts.kiev.ua/bitstreams/2338b982-2374-4a99-b13c-ab11e668de89/download"><span style="font-weight: 400;">history</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of this principle in Ukraine reaches back to the Kyivan Rus era and its foundational legal text, “Ruska Pravda.” Justice then was strictly direct and immediate: the defendant was brought before the prince, with proof consisting of physical actions — “pursuing the trail” or “zvid.” No stacks of paper — the judge personally observed the process, and only the one who had begun it could issue the verdict. </span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But as bureaucracy grew in the 15th–17th centuries, immediacy gave way to documents. Under the Sobornoe Ulozhenie — the universal code of criminal and civil law of the Tsardom of Muscovy — “paper pushing” took over. Investigators wrote down the parties&#8217; words and drew up brief summaries, while judges often issued rulings without ever seeing the participants. Immediacy made its comeback only with the judicial reform of 1864. That was when legal scholarship finally accepted that, to find the truth, the judge has to be physically present rather than merely read transcripts. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the Ukrainian lands that were part of Austria-Hungary — Galicia, Bukovyna, and Transcarpathia — the principle of immediacy </span><a href="https://lnu.edu.ua/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/dis_halaburda.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">took root</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> thanks to the Austrian Code of Criminal Procedure of 1873.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That code set immediacy and orality against the old “inquisitorial” process built on written submissions, where the judge simply read the papers gathered by the investigator without listening to anyone live. The Austrian code, instead, required the court to perceive all evidence directly (Hauptverhandlung): the judge personally heard defendants, witnesses, and experts, and the verdict had to rest exclusively on what took place in the courtroom. Reading out interrogation transcripts was permitted only as an exception: if the witness had died, vanished, fallen seriously ill, or if both parties consented.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The code also required that the bench remain unchanged — the same judges had to hear the case from start to finish. If any judge could not attend, the trial was suspended, or a substitute judge was brought in, who had to be present in the courtroom from the very first minute. Appeal as to guilt was limited: the higher instance could not review what only the first judge had seen without rehearing the case. This tradition laid the groundwork for what we now call a high standard of proof.</span></p>
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<h3><b>A paper transcript is not yet evidence</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/4651-17#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">substance</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the immediacy principle is set out in Ukraine&#8217;s Criminal Procedure Code and can be summarized as follows.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Live and in person:</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the court examines evidence directly and obtains testimony from participants in criminal proceedings orally (Article 23).</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Out of court means non-evidence:</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the court cannot recognize as evidence any information contained in testimony, items, or documents that it has not directly examined (Article 23).</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>The prosecution must secure the witnesses&#8217; attendance:</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> so that the defense can question them before an independent and impartial court (Article 23(3)).</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Immediacy in examining testimony is a general principle of criminal proceedings and applies by default. The exceptions are quite limited: testimony from individuals who do not appear in court is admitted only in select cases set out in the CPC — for example, where the questioning was conducted by an investigating judge during the pre-trial stage (Articles 23, 225 of the CPC of Ukraine). Beyond that, video recordings of interrogations may be used, as provided by Article 615(11) of the CPC. </span></p>
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<h3><b>Video recording as a “bridge” of immediacy</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Martial law has forced the justice system to adapt to new and often extreme conditions. Familiar approaches have had to be revisited, since the physical presence of all participants in a trial can sometimes be impossible for objective reasons. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The fundamental rule remains that set out in Article 95(4) of the CPC: a court may not base its rulings on testimony given to an investigator or prosecutor, or refer to such testimony. That means </span><b>a paper transcript of an interrogation by an investigator or detective is not evidence until the witness, victim, or defendant repeats it in person before the court</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, Article 615(11) of the CPC allows the use of testimony from witnesses or victims obtained during a martial-law investigation as evidence — provided it is </span><b>mandatorily recorded on video.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The video recording becomes that very “bridge” of immediacy: by viewing the footage, the judge sees a living person, their emotions and behavior, which is far more reliable than dry text on paper. Where the suspect is being questioned, the proceeding must include continuous video recording and the participation of defense counsel.</span></p>
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<h3><b>The court&#8217;s technical evolution</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this context, one cannot overlook another important principle of criminal justice — </span><b>the full recording of court proceedings by technical means. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Recording of court hearings has come a long way: from the ordinary paper court journal to the full digital video and audio recording that is the standard today. Previously, the only source of information on what had taken place in the courtroom for those who had not personally attended was a court hearing record handwritten by the secretary or typed on a typewriter. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The first step in this transformation was the </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v0156750-22/conv#n15"><span style="font-weight: 400;">move</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to mandatory audio recording with systems such as “Kamerton” or “Oberih.” But sound did not convey the full picture: gestures, facial expressions, or whether someone was prompting the witness off to the side. Today we have arrived at full audio and video recording of hearings — that is, complete digitalization of justice. Modern courtrooms are equipped with cameras that capture everything happening in the room, while the remote videoconference (VC) system allows participation in a hearing from home or office. The issue became especially acute during the pandemic, and later during the full-scale war. Video recording has secured the “remote immediacy” of the judicial process.</span></p>
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<h2 class="ttl--blue">One of HACC&#8217;s challenges: why cases start “from scratch”</h2>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p dir="ltr">In practice, the immediacy of the trial sometimes becomes a challenge, which we described in detail in our HACC monitoring <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/hacc-turns-six-analysis-of-achievements-challenges-and-recommendations/">report</a>. The core problem is the conflict between quality and speed. Top corruption cases are extremely voluminous and are heard for years. The principle of immediacy requires an unchanging composition of the bench: <strong>if one judge changes (for instance, due to maternity leave, dismissal, or appointment to another body), the panel in its new composition must restart the case from the very beginning to personally examine all evidence</strong> (Article 319 of the CPC).</p>
<p dir="ltr">The law provides two exceptions to this rule.</p>
<p dir="ltr"><strong>The first</strong> applies when the parties to the proceeding do not object to the new judge continuing the trial, and the new judge has reviewed the case file and agrees with the rulings already issued. The court may then rule that there is no need to start the trial over.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Cases where the defense voluntarily agrees not to start the trial over are a real rarity in anti-corruption proceedings. One example is the case concerning the construction of the <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/123328110">Shyrokyi Lan training ground</a>. The defense did not object to continuing the trial after a judge replacement. That stance let the parties avoid wasting time on duplicate procedures.</p>
<p dir="ltr">But in a number of high-profile cases — such as the <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/123328113">Kraian plant</a> case or the <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/123328111">Derzhinformiust embezzlement case</a> — HACC decided not to restart the trial despite objections from individual participants. The judges argued that full audio and video recording of earlier hearings allows a new judge to familiarize themselves with every nuance of the case in detail without spending years on repeat witness questioning.</p>
<p dir="ltr">This approach is not shared by all judges, as their <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/124514757">dissenting opinions</a> show. They stress that the defense&#8217;s right to demand a fresh trial must take priority. Their position rests on the view that no video can replace personal contact between the judge and the defendant, and that an unchanging composition of the court is more valuable than the speed of the trial. The divergence in practice is a problem in itself: in some cases HACC continues the hearing, in others it starts from scratch — dragging the process out for years. Some judges, meanwhile, stress that a literal reading of immediacy must not turn into an absurdity that blocks justice.</p>
<p dir="ltr">For example, in June 2023, during the trial of the bribery case against <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42015220000001081">Olena Polishchuk</a>, a former official at the Ministry of Agrarian Policy, one of the panel judges was replaced due to a long business trip. The trial court, guided by the logic of procedural economy and the principle of reasonable time limits, <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42015220000001081">ruled</a>: do not restart the trial, do not re-examine the evidence. The case was already at the stage of questioning the defendant. The judges noted that the new judge had reviewed the case file and agreed with earlier rulings. In February 2024, HACC <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/117181592">sentenced</a> the former official to 8 years&#8217; imprisonment with additional penalties.</p>
<p dir="ltr">In their <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/118869271">appeal</a>, however, defense counsel did not even ask for a new trial — they sought acquittal for lack of evidence. Yet the HACC Appeals Chamber, instead of ruling on the appeal on the merits, focused precisely on the procedural moment of the judge&#8217;s replacement. Two of the three appellate judges took the position that continuing the trial after a judge change against the defense&#8217;s wish to start over was a substantial violation of the law. In their view, a verdict issued by a judge who had only partially participated in the case undermines the principles of immediacy and unchanging composition of the court. As a result, the verdict was overturned and the case sent back for retrial.</p>
<p dir="ltr">Notably, one judge disagreed with the colleagues and, in a <a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/118869274">dissenting opinion</a>, stressed that the principle of immediacy is not absolute. In their view, the principle has built-in flexibility: both the law and the case law of the Supreme Court already permit a number of exceptions, in particular:</p>
<ul>
<li dir="ltr" aria-level="1">
<p dir="ltr" role="presentation">the use of testimony from earlier trials (Criminal Cassation Court of the Supreme Court <a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/104635343">ruling</a> of June 1, 2022, in case No. 206/6584/19);</p>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" aria-level="1">
<p dir="ltr" role="presentation">the use of the results of victim questioning in the absence of the defendant (Criminal Cassation Court of the Supreme Court <a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/102705035">ruling</a> of January 18, 2022, in case No. 404/2468/17);</p>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" aria-level="1">
<p dir="ltr" role="presentation">courts grounding their conclusions on testimony given to the trial court (Criminal Cassation Court of the Supreme Court <a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/114423816">ruling</a> of October 17, 2023, in case No. 638/18452/17);</p>
</li>
<li dir="ltr" aria-level="1">
<p dir="ltr" role="presentation">examining at the hearing only the parts of the documentary evidence that the parties draw attention to, rather than the full body (Criminal Cassation Court <a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/101873632">ruling</a> of December 6, 2021, in case No. 756/4855/17).</p>
</li>
</ul>
<p dir="ltr">The key takeaway is that the unchanging composition of the court matters, but it cannot be read in isolation from the circumstances of the specific case, and the principle of immediacy must not become an obstacle to effective justice.</p>
<p dir="ltr"><strong>The second exception is the concept of the substitute judge</strong> (Article 320 of the CPC). In long proceedings, a substitute judge is to be assigned, who sits in the courtroom and can immediately step in for an absent or dismissed primary judge without halting the trial.</p>
<p dir="ltr">In real life, however, with judges already in short supply and corruption cases almost always drawn out, the prospects for this mechanism are highly questionable. In the current chronic personnel shortage, keeping an experienced judge on the “bench of substitutes” for years on end is a luxury. As a result, when one of the panel members drops out, the trial often has to be restarted from square one.</p>
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<h3><b>International experience: a balance between immediacy and effectiveness</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A look at international practice shows that approaches to applying the principle of immediacy when the bench changes range from strict mandatory rules to flexible procedures built on the use of technical means. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In </span><b>German criminal procedure</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the judge has no discretion as to whether to restart the trial when the bench has changed and no substitute judge is in place. Under </span><a href="https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/stpo/__338.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">§226</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of Germany&#8217;s Code of Criminal Procedure, the main hearing is held in the continuous presence of the judges. But, of course, various human factors may make a judge&#8217;s participation in every session impossible. For that reason, </span><a href="https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/gvg/__192.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">section 192</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of another statute provides that, in lengthy proceedings, the presiding judge may bring in substitute judges who attend the hearing and step in for any judge unable to be present. From this it follows that the trial cannot continue if one of the judges has been replaced and no substitute was brought in. An unlawful composition of the court is an </span><a href="https://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/stpo/__338.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">absolute ground</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for overturning the verdict on appeal.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The </span><b>situation</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in </span><a href="https://e-seimas.lrs.lt/portal/legalAct/lt/TAD/TAIS.163482#part_76c679b38f87428882578508f7f21508"><b>Lithuania</b></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is similar: every case must be heard by an unchanging bench, and replacing a judge automatically triggers a restart from scratch, unless a substitute judge was involved in the proceedings (Articles 222, 223).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Other countries, meanwhile, have opted for a more flexible path geared toward reasonable time limits. </span><a href="https://sip.lex.pl/akty-prawne/dzu-dziennik-ustaw/kodeks-postepowania-karnego-16798685"><b>Poland&#8217;s</b></a> <b>Code of Criminal Procedure</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (Articles 404 and 404b) allows the trial to continue after a panel member is replaced if this does not endanger the proper handling of the case. The new judge is given time to review the case file and the evidence, after which they can formally state whether they need the evidence to be re-examined. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most telling example for the Ukrainian context is </span><b>Italy&#8217;s experience.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Despite the historically strict requirement that judges remain unchanged, set out in Article </span><a href="https://www.brocardi.it/codice-di-procedura-penale/libro-settimo/titolo-iii/capo-i/art525.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">525</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of Italy&#8217;s CPP, practice changed radically after the precedent-setting ruling of the Supreme Court of Cassation in the Bajrami case (2019), which was later reflected in Article </span><a href="https://www.brocardi.it/codice-di-procedura-penale/libro-settimo/titolo-ii/capo-ii/art495.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">495</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the Code. An interested party now has the right to a renewed questioning of witnesses only where the earlier testimony was not fixed by audio or video recording, or where the judge sees an objective need for it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This trend toward technological “compensation” for immediacy is also reflected in the </span><a href="https://ks.echr.coe.int/documents/d/echr-ks/guide_art_6_criminal_eng"><span style="font-weight: 400;">case law</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the </span><b>European Court of Human Rights</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. The Court has repeatedly stressed that the accused&#8217;s ability to confront a witness in the presence of the judge who ultimately decides the case is an important guarantee for assessing the truthfulness of the testimony. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But the ECHR does not consider the principle of immediacy an absolute ban on any change of the bench. In </span><a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001-148277"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Cutean v. Romania</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and </span><a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001-22630"><span style="font-weight: 400;">P.K. v. Finland</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the Court noted that administrative or procedural factors may impede a judge&#8217;s participation, and “compensatory measures” must be applied in such cases. These include providing the new judge with transcripts or technical recordings of the hearings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, in </span><a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001-68222"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Graviano v. Italy</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and </span><a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng?i=001-169203"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Škaro v. Croatia</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the ECHR found no violation, since the change of judge was accompanied by access to materials from earlier hearings, and the truthfulness of the witnesses&#8217; testimony was not in dispute. However, the Court does find a violation where the entire panel changes, or where the new judge issues a verdict without seeing key witnesses whose testimony was decisive. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The matter of immediacy and the right to renewed questioning of witnesses is also relevant for Ukraine. Specifically, in </span><a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng#%7B%22itemid%22:%5B%22001-193035%22%5D%7D"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Famulyak v. Ukraine</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the ECHR stressed that replacing a judge on the panel after a witness has been heard should normally lead to a renewed questioning of that witness. However, if the witness has already been questioned by the defense at an earlier stage and this is properly recorded, the principle of immediacy may be limited.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In another case — </span><a href="https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng#%7B%22itemid%22:%5B%22001-201641%22%5D%7D"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Chernika v. Ukraine</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — the Court stressed that an important element of a fair trial is the defendant&#8217;s ability to “confront” a witness in the presence of the judge who ultimately decides the case. The judge must personally satisfy himself or herself of the truthfulness of the testimony, see the person&#8217;s reactions and emotions. Yet again, the ECHR points out that the principle of immediacy is not absolute and may be limited where: full transcripts of earlier interrogations are available; the witness&#8217;s truthfulness is not in question.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This allows the conclusion that both</span><b> international practice and ECHR case law show a gradual shift from physical presence to substantive immediacy</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, where high-quality audio and video recording acts as a proper means of ensuring that the case is heard by a fair court when its composition changes.</span></p>
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<h3><b>Substance or formalism: why this issue calls for legislative change</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The disparity in HACC practice on the procedural consequences of replacing a judge creates legal uncertainty and may invite abuse by participants in the proceeding. Parliament must clearly establish: where there is full audio and video recording, the participants&#8217; consent to continuing the trial should not be decisive. The new judge already has every digital tool needed to acquaint themselves with the nuances of the trial, without zeroing out years of work by their colleagues. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, on a reasoned motion from a participant, the court may re-examine certain pieces of evidence or re-question key witnesses where this is necessary to safeguard the right to a fair trial.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This step would balance immediacy against the principle of reasonable time limits. Today&#8217;s technology is already sophisticated enough to deliver a fair trial without years of going around in circles through the same procedures.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/when-a-principle-blocks-justice-immediacy-of-trial-when-a-judge-is-replaced/">When a Principle Blocks Justice: Immediacy of Trial When a Judge Is Replaced</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Accession to the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention: Analysis of Draft Law No. 15056</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/accession-to-the-oecd-anti-bribery-convention-analysis-of-draft-law-no-15056/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Віка Карпінська]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2026 07:36:32 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=33052</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Once this law takes effect, Ukraine will officially accede to the Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/accession-to-the-oecd-anti-bribery-convention-analysis-of-draft-law-no-15056/">Accession to the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention: Analysis of Draft Law No. 15056</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On March 6, 2026, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy registered</span><a href="https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billinfo/Bills/Card/69673"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft Law No. 15056</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which concerns Ukraine&#8217;s accession to the Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions. The draft law amends the Criminal Code of Ukraine, the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine, and the Law of Ukraine on Corruption Prevention. Once this law takes effect, Ukraine will officially</span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/4811-IX#Text"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">accede</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to the Convention.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Acceding to this Convention of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) is one of Ukraine&#8217;s key steps toward European integration — one the European Commission also noted in its latest</span><a href="https://eu-ua.kmu.gov.ua/wp-content/uploads/EU-enlargement-.pdf"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">EU Enlargement Report</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. The Commission observed that, through the</span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/4111-20#Text"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">law</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on improving the mechanisms for holding legal entities liable for bribery of foreign officials, Ukraine had already begun aligning its legislation with the Convention&#8217;s provisions. The need to strengthen corporate liability for bribery, however, remains.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Aligning national legislation with the Convention&#8217;s requirements will also allow Ukraine to become a full member of the OECD and open new channels for close international cooperation in investigating corruption offenses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On May 7, 2026, the draft law</span><a href="https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billinfo/Bills/pubFile/3454874"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">was approved</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> by the relevant Law Enforcement Committee, which recommended that parliament adopt it as a basis and in full, subject to the necessary technical and legal refinements.</span></p>
<h4><span style="font-weight: 400;">Key takeaways:</span></h4>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Adopting the draft law is a prerequisite for Ukraine&#8217;s accession to the OECD Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">The amendments will enable a more effective response to bribery of both foreign and domestic officials.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, the draft law does not allow autonomous criminal liability of legal entities where domestic officials are bribed, or for offenses under Articles 364 (abuse of office) and 191 (misappropriation of property) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.</span></li>
</ul>
<h4><span style="font-weight: 400;">What we propose</span></h4>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Expand the “autonomous” criminal liability of legal entities so that it covers not only proceedings under Articles 369 (bribery of an official), 369-2 (trading in influence), and 209 (money laundering) of the Criminal Code, but also Articles 364 and 191. This “autonomous” liability should also apply where such acts are committed against domestic officials.</span></li>
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			            	Aligning national legislation with the Convention&#8217;s requirements will allow Ukraine to become a full member of the OECD and open new channels for close international cooperation in investigating corruption offenses.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">The current situation</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even after the amendments introduced by Law of Ukraine No. 4111-IX of December 4, 2024, several problems remain in current legislation that could hinder the effective prosecution of legal entities.</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under Article 96-3(3) of the Criminal Code, which sets out the grounds for applying criminal-law measures to legal entities, a legal entity bears liability after its reorganization only if a natural person was also prosecuted alongside it for bribery (Article 369), trading in influence (Article 369-2), or legalization (laundering) of criminally obtained property (Article 209).</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">A conflict remains between the definition of officials in Article 18(4) (which defines the special subject of a criminal offense) and paragraph 2 of the Note to Article 364 of the Criminal Code (which gives a special definition of an official), because the latter omits any mention of officials of local self-government bodies and municipal enterprises.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine can prosecute corruption offenses only against members of international parliamentary assemblies in which it itself participates. It cannot prosecute members of other assemblies for corruption.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Because of an imprecision in Article 309(1)(9-1) of the Criminal Procedure Code, which lists the rulings of an investigating judge that may be appealed, it is currently not expressly permitted to appeal an investigating judge&#8217;s ruling that imposes restrictions on a legal entity&#8217;s activities.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Law of Ukraine on Corruption Prevention lacks a definition of an authorized person of a legal entity that is harmonized with the Criminal Code.</span></li>
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			            	Even after the amendments introduced by Law of Ukraine No. 4111-IX of December 4, 2024, several problems remain in current legislation that could hinder the effective prosecution of legal entities.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What does the draft law propose?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft law proposes several distinct amendments to the Criminal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Law of Ukraine on Corruption Prevention that would broaden the scope of liability for bribing officials on behalf of and/or in the interests of legal entities, and would clarify certain imprecisions previously left by the legislator.</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Amendments to Article 96-3(3) of the Criminal Code will prevent legal entities from escaping criminal liability through their reorganization, even where law enforcement has been unable to identify the specific individual responsible for bribery (Article 369), trading in influence (Article 369-2), or legalization (laundering) of criminally obtained property (Article 209).</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Paragraph 2 of the Note to Article 364 of the Criminal Code would be clarified to add officials of local self-government bodies and municipal enterprises to the list of officials. This would resolve the conflict between paragraph 2 of the Note to Article 364 and Article 18(4), which define this list of officials.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The status of an official under Article 18(4) and paragraph 2 of the Note to Article 364 would be extended even to members of international parliamentary assemblies in which Ukraine does not participate. This would make it possible to prosecute those who bribe such foreign (international) officials with whom Ukraine has no direct connection.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Article 309(1)(9-1) of the Criminal Procedure Code would be clarified to specify that, at the pretrial investigation stage, what may be appealed are an investigating judge&#8217;s rulings granting or denying restrictions on a legal entity&#8217;s activities — rather than final decisions imposing temporary restrictions on a legal entity&#8217;s activities and/or temporary restrictions on the acquisition of rights and/or benefits. This will fix the imprecision previously left by the legislator.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Article 61 of the Law of Ukraine on Corruption Prevention would also add a definition of an authorized person of a legal entity, a concept previously found only in paragraph 1 of the Note to Article 96-3 of the Criminal Code.</span></li>
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			            	The draft law proposes several distinct amendments to the Criminal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Law of Ukraine on Corruption Prevention that would broaden the scope of liability for bribing officials on behalf of and/or in the interests of legal entities, and would clarify certain imprecisions previously left by the legislator.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Conclusions</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We have no substantive objections to the proposals put forward by the authors of presidential Draft Law No. 15056, now before parliament.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, this draft law could serve as a foundation for a more comprehensive regulation of the procedure for prosecuting legal entities.</span></p>
<p><b>TI Ukraine therefore supports the adoption of this draft law, with further refinement </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">to expand the “autonomous” criminal liability of legal entities.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><em>This publication has been produced with financial support from Norway. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Government of Norway.</em></p>
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			            	TI Ukraine therefore supports the adoption of this draft law, with further refinement.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/accession-to-the-oecd-anti-bribery-convention-analysis-of-draft-law-no-15056/">Accession to the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention: Analysis of Draft Law No. 15056</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>The Mindich Tapes: Did SAPO&#8217;s Former Deputy Head Have Unauthorized Access to the Case?</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-mindich-tapes-did-sapo-s-former-deputy-head-have-unauthorized-access-to-the-case/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 08 May 2026 14:25:14 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32908</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Ukrainska Pravda has published the third installment of the so-called “Mindich tapes.” Two of its segments concern Andrii Syniuk directly — at the time, Deputy Head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-mindich-tapes-did-sapo-s-former-deputy-head-have-unauthorized-access-to-the-case/">The Mindich Tapes: Did SAPO’s Former Deputy Head Have Unauthorized Access to the Case?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukrainska Pravda has </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VeA3hBccco0"><span style="font-weight: 400;">published</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the third installment of the so-called “Mindich tapes.” Two of its segments concern Andrii Syniuk directly — at the time, Deputy Head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor&#8217;s Office. These details add new dimensions to the story of how this case has been investigated.</span></p>
<p><b>First, the suspects refer to Syniuk as a “good contact” inside the SAPO. </b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In a conversation between Myroniuk and Basov on September 25, 2025, Syniuk is described as a source ready to “help and tip them off.” The context suggests they are referring to “old friendly ties” with someone called “Oleh,” and they agree that this resource should be saved “for a rainy day” — kept for exceptional situations, not spent on routine matters. The conversation does not make clear which “Oleh” is meant, but journalist Mykhailo Tkach points to the portfolio of Oleh Tatarov, who oversees the law enforcement system within the Office of the President. Investigators should look into this further.</span></p>
<p><b>Second, Syniuk&#8217;s activity in the internal pre-trial investigation system on October 16, 2025 is on the record. </b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to case files obtained by UP, Syniuk, who was not part of the group of prosecutors handling the relevant criminal proceedings, used his personal access credentials to look up participants in certain cases. The names he checked include Tsukerman, Halushchenko, Hrynchuk, and Jakob Hartmut, as well as Myroniuk and Basov themselves — the same two who, three weeks earlier, had discussed Syniuk as a useful contact at SAPO. According to the published data, the former SAPO Deputy Head ran this check a month before Operation Midas was publicly announced.</span></p>
<p><b>Third, the circumstances of the suspects&#8217; departure on the eve of the searches come into focus from a different angle. </b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On October 26, ten days after Syniuk reviewed the data on case participants, Tsukerman&#8217;s assistant, on his boss&#8217;s instruction, arranged an urgent trip for him via Palanka to Vienna. The main suspect in the case, Timur Mindich, crossed the border at 2 a.m. — four hours before investigators arrived at his home with a search warrant. Both suspects have stated in their comments that the trips had been planned in advance.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Syniuk himself, in a November 2025 </span><a href="https://youtu.be/bX5n8glIKC8?t=1288"><span style="font-weight: 400;">comment</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to UP, denied any involvement in leaking information, stating that he was unaware of these cases, did not take part in the relevant meetings, and never examined any materials. The information published by UP casts doubt on those statements.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/POLITICS/pid-chas-operatsiji-midas-bulo-dva-etapi-vitoku-informatsiji-u-sap-pojasnili-chomu-todi-jikh-aktivno-ne-rozsliduvali.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">official position</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> taken by SAPO Head Oleksandr Klymenko on November 25, 2025 warrants a separate note. He publicly confirmed that during Operation Midas there had been at least two stages of information leaks, with criminal proceedings opened in each instance, but that SAPO did not pursue active investigative steps so as not to compromise the main operation. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, Klymenko stated that SAPO sees no link between the people filmed meeting with Syniuk and the Midas case, suggesting they may be connected to a different investigation. This position should be weighed against what UP&#8217;s published materials already contain. After all, the record of Syniuk reviewing the participants in the Midas proceedings is itself criminal case material — not journalistic observation of meetings, which is what Klymenko&#8217;s response relied on.</span></p>
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			            	According to case files obtained by UP, Syniuk, who was not part of the group of prosecutors handling the relevant criminal proceedings, used his personal access credentials to look up participants in certain cases.
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<p>
			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">What do these new details from the Mindich tapes mean? </span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Syniuk resigned from the SAPO at his own request back in November last year, right after NABU released the first “Mindich tapes.” As a result, the question of his disciplinary liability as a prosecutor is off the table — a person who has been dismissed cannot be held to disciplinary account within the prosecutorial system.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This resignation, however, in no way closes the question of a criminal-law assessment of Syniuk&#8217;s actions. The published materials raise a fundamental question:</span><b> did Andrii Syniuk disclose pre-trial investigation data he could access by virtue of his position as Deputy Head of the SAPO?</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Criminal Code provides for liability for precisely such conduct. Article 387 specifically addresses cases in which a prosecutor discloses such data, regardless of whether they were directly involved in specific pre-trial investigation. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We understand why, for tactical reasons and to safeguard the main operation, the SAPO chose not to actively investigate the criminal proceedings opened over the leaks. But following the May 8 journalistic disclosures concerning Operation Midas, we — now as outside observers — see substantial grounds for a criminal-law assessment of Andrii Syniuk&#8217;s actions. </span></p>
<p><b>We therefore expect the NABU and the SAPO, in the course of the criminal proceedings, to establish whether Andrii Syniuk did in fact pass case information to the suspects — including data he obtained through the anti-corruption agencies&#8217; internal systems. Given the public interest, we also expect those findings to be made public as soon as doing so no longer risks the investigation. </b></p>
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			            	The published materials raise a fundamental question: did Andrii Syniuk disclose pre-trial investigation data he could access by virtue of his position as Deputy Head of the SAPO?
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<p>
			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-mindich-tapes-did-sapo-s-former-deputy-head-have-unauthorized-access-to-the-case/">The Mindich Tapes: Did SAPO’s Former Deputy Head Have Unauthorized Access to the Case?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>HACC Competition: The First Candidates Will Receive Their Final Scores</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-competition-the-first-candidates-will-receive-their-final-scores/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 24 Apr 2026 09:10:28 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>On April 24, one of the final stages of the HACC judicial selection competition begins — dossier review and the interview.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-competition-the-first-candidates-will-receive-their-final-scores/">HACC Competition: The First Candidates Will Receive Their Final Scores</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On April 24, one of the final stages of the HACC judicial selection competition begins — dossier review and the interview.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At this stage, candidates will finally receive concrete scores assessing their competence, integrity, and ethics. The HQCJ will then compile the final ranking of winners from the 22 who</span><a href="https://cutt.ly/YtJ6IAnl"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">cleared the PCIE filter</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The first to receive their scores today will be:</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Pika</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tetiana Troian</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olha Pevna</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lesia Skreklia</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Khamkhodera</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On March 17, the PCIE and HQCJ concluded the largest-ever round of interviews with HACC judgeship candidates, which only 22 of 73 passed. Those interviews did not involve scoring — their sole purpose was to screen out candidates with obvious ethical or integrity issues.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HQCJ interviews can award candidates up to 400 of the total 800 points — the other 400 were available earlier through the tests and practical assignment. The top exam scores so far belong to two sitting HACC judges applying to the HACC Appeals Chamber: Olena Tanasevych (372.22 points) and Kateryna Sikora (360.92 points).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To earn the maximum score at the HQCJ interview, prospective HACC judges will need to demonstrate strong social and personal competencies, and their background must show a record of integrity and professional ethics.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Notably, the largest share of those 400 points — 300 (for integrity and professional ethics) — is awarded to candidates up front, with deductions for each violation identified. If the total falls below 225 points, or if a violation is serious enough, the candidate is removed from the competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Several candidates still</span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">raise serious concerns</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on our side. We hope the HQCJ will pay due attention and assess them accordingly.</span></p>
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			            	The HQCJ interviews can award candidates up to 400 of the total 800 points — the other 400 were available earlier through the tests and practical assignment.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-competition-the-first-candidates-will-receive-their-final-scores/">HACC Competition: The First Candidates Will Receive Their Final Scores</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>How the 22 Prospective HACC Judges Were Selected</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-the-22-prospective-hacc-judges-were-selected/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 24 Apr 2026 08:31:38 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32836</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The cap on HACC judges was raised back in September 2023, and this round looks far more likely to actually fill the bench.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-the-22-prospective-hacc-judges-were-selected/">How the 22 Prospective HACC Judges Were Selected</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><em>The material was prepared in co-authorship with Andriy Tkachuk, legal advisor to Transparency International Ukraine.</em></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><strong>The cap on HACC judges was raised back in September 2023, yet the competition for new judges is still ongoing. It has now been launched for the second time, and this round looks far more likely to actually fill the bench. </strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In mid-March, the Public Council of International Experts (PCIE), together with the High Qualification Commission of Judges of Ukraine (HQCJ), wrapped up the largest interview stage in the history of HACC judge selection. For a full month, anyone interested could watch the live stream as 69 candidates faced pointed questions from the PCIE and HQCJ, trying to prove their integrity and professionalism.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Twenty-two candidates cleared the interviews (32% of all those who participated). The PCIE and HQCJ selected 16 sitting judges, 5 scholars, and 1 attorney. One caveat: the HACC will not actually gain 22 new judges but 19, since three of those who advanced are sitting judges of the HACC first instance applying to the Appeals Chamber — meaning their first-instance seats will also open up. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Still, 19 new judges will grow the HACC bench by nearly one and a half times — from 40 to 59 — filling 93.65% of the current vacancies. That is enough for Ukraine to meet its commitments under the Ukraine Facility Plan. It is a result worth taking pride in, as the expanded bench will make it easier for the HACC to deliver timely justice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;"> So how were these 22 judges chosen? Let us take a closer look.</span></p>
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			            	19 new judges will grow the HACC bench by nearly one and a half times — from 40 to 59 — filling 93.65% of the current vacancies. That is enough for Ukraine to meet its commitments under the Ukraine Facility Plan.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">A study in contrasts: systemic improvement vs. opaque scoring</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Last year, only 7 candidates reached the interview stage. This time, 73 made it through to the PCIE and HQCJ. And the reason is not luck — it is systemic improvement of the competition procedures, a process TI Ukraine also contributed to.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The overall elimination rate at each stage of the qualification exam dropped from 43.3% to 13% in the repeat competition. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The main driver was the new rules introduced under Draft Law No. 12331-2. It reopened the competition to those who had previously failed, missed, or refused the qualification exam — 82 of 205 applicants, or 40% of the total.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The impact of these changes is clearest in the numbers: without the updated rules, we would have had 6 finalists instead of 22, since 16 of those who successfully completed interviews with the PCIE this year had already taken part in prior judicial competitions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, the HQCJ chose not to lower the minimum thresholds for the Ukrainian statehood test and the cognitive ability (IQ) test below 75%. In the previous HACC selection round, it was precisely the difficult IQ tests at that high threshold that produced the heaviest attrition — eliminating 79 of 123 participants.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Instead of adjusting the threshold, the HQCJ </span><a href="https://vkksu.gov.ua/doc/pro-utvorennya-robochoyi-grupy-dlya-opracyuvannya-tendernyh-propozyciy-uchasnykiv-zakupivli"><span style="font-weight: 400;">changed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the IQ test provider and, judging by the results, reduced the difficulty of the tests. The Commission apparently took a similar approach with the Ukrainian statehood test — the elimination rate there was the lowest at just 2.5%.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most dramatic contrast, however, is at the practical assignment stage: only 14.1% failed this time, versus 84% in the 2025 competition. And we have no answer as to why, because the HQCJ </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/competition-for-the-anti-corruption-court-time-for-the-hqcj-to-publish-candidates-written-assignments/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ignored calls</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> from civil society to publish the candidates&#8217; written judgments from the practical assignment, along with criterion-by-criterion scoring by members of the examination board.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">None of this would matter if HQCJ members had not then squandered the interview opportunity to ask candidates — at least 8 times — about serious errors in their practical assignments. For example, </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SPxF-hKxgbk"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olena Roik</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was asked why her judgment convicted the defendant of a more serious offense than the one charged, and </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6WCD6nGJZ_o"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Omelian</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was asked why his sentence in a false declaration case ordered the convicted person to file an amended declaration. Equally puzzling were the questions about why </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EmsraiP9anU"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevhen Didenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9f5JZaH-MR0"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ivan Posokhov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> ordered special confiscation of laptops used to submit knowingly false declarations, or why </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q0mya-9zWMQ"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Dudikov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> mistakenly applied a law that was not in force at the time the offense was committed. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Judging by the questioning, candidate Olha Pevna — one of the “22” — also made an error in her practical. HQCJ member Serhii Chumak </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=32_9X2ZMgz0"><span style="font-weight: 400;">pointed out</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that her judgment mistakenly imposed a fine above the statutory maximum, and that was </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">not the only concern</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> about Pevna.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We would be able to make sense of these questions if we had access to the completed practical assignments. This once again shows that opaque scoring of practicals only undermines trust in the competition process.</span></p>
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			            	The most dramatic contrast, however, is at the practical assignment stage: only 14.1% failed this time, versus 84% in the 2025 competition. And we have no answer as to why, because the HQCJ ignored calls from civil society to publish the candidates&#8217; written judgments from the practical assignment
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What came up in the PCIE and HQCJ interviews?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As mentioned, the interviews ran for over a month, and despite the punishing schedule and workload, the PCIE and HQCJ genuinely worked hard to keep the bar high. Civil society organizations supported that effort — Transparency International Ukraine, among others, submitted concerns about individual candidates to the Commission and the international experts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">None of this productive work would have been possible without new legal conditions. </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3996-20#n16"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft Law No. 11426</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, in force since November 2024, gave the PCIE full access to the dossiers of both candidates and sitting judges applying for HACC positions, and extended the interview window from 30 to 45 days.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The longer window proved especially valuable: experts analyzed all available information and conducted interviews with 69 candidates in just 42 days.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As usual, the PCIE and HQCJ focused on assets, ethical conduct, and professionalism. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questioning about assets, wealth, and lifestyle was sharp. Candidates often claimed they had managed to live on incomes below the subsistence minimum thanks to tight budgeting and food from their parents. Particular attention went to cases closed under Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses (driving under the influence) — relevant because drawn-out handling of such cases often signals compromised adjudication.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">An entirely new line of questioning concerned candidate-judges&#8217; </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-leaky-registry-what-s-wrong-with-full-access-to-court-decisions/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">use of the Unified State Register of Court Decisions</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> under full access. Full access, as a reminder, allows users to check whether assets are under arrest, whether a search or other investigative action is being planned, and to look up full names, addresses, and other highly sensitive information. As it turned out, questionable USRCD searches were common among the candidates, and any instance of baseless lookups on relatives and friends seriously damaged their credibility.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Commission found cases where judges and their assistants had searched for information about themselves, relatives, or other people unrelated to their cases. Judge </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8YrFBtzVf1U"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tetiana Troian</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, for example, admitted she used USRCD to watch for a possible bank lawsuit over a debt. </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=84y1PjhzT5I"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vita Matolych</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> searched for court decisions involving relatives by name or phone number. Candidate </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pcb4fsgab0c"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Movchan</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> looked up one of his relatives in the register more than 100 times.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Separate attention went to candidates&#8217; visits to Russian territory or occupied parts of Ukraine after 2015 — which they described as tourism, personal, or business trips. Explanations like </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“I saw the occupation as temporary” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">or references to trips to Kursk Region in 2019 were met with skepticism.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The PCIE and HQCJ also monitored social media — including relatives&#8217; TikTok accounts — to identify undeclared businesses, as happened with candidate </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fn_pIkt9mds"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Syvokin</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. He maintained that his wife had no business of any kind, but PCIE members produced what appeared to be her TikTok account, where she presented herself as a beauty professional.</span></p>
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			            	As usual, the PCIE and HQCJ focused on assets, ethical conduct, and professionalism. 
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">A trail of uncertainty</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The challenges of the HACC competition do not end here. Three sitting HACC judges appear set to move up to the Appeals Chamber. This will not create a serious personnel gap in the first instance, but it will significantly affect cases in which these judges served as presiding judges or panel members — their withdrawal means those cases will have to be heard from the start. That includes cases against Hladkovskyi, the Kyrylenko spouses, Mykytas, and others.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On another front, the court will expand its headcount by nearly one and a half times, which creates an urgent need for suitable new premises. On March 25, the HACC </span><a href="https://court.gov.ua/storage/portal/hcac/documents/reports/chief_2025-2026.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">even issued</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> an </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1G8ZUZtDUx/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">open letter</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to the President of Ukraine on this.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The 4-judge shortfall at the HACC also means another HACC competition — the fourth — may lie ahead. Replicating the same selection procedure will be extremely difficult, since the PCIE&#8217;s mandate expires this May. For the PCIE to take part in the next round, Parliament will need the political will to extend its participation in HACC selection — so that every HACC judge is chosen under the same procedure.</span></p>
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			            	The 4-judge shortfall at the HACC also means another HACC competition — the fourth — may lie ahead. Replicating the same selection procedure will be extremely difficult, since the PCIE&#8217;s mandate expires this May.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-the-22-prospective-hacc-judges-were-selected/">How the 22 Prospective HACC Judges Were Selected</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>A Leaky Registry: What&#8217;s Wrong with Full Access to Court Decisions</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-leaky-registry-what-s-wrong-with-full-access-to-court-decisions/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 Mar 2026 11:14:13 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32704</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The problem of unauthorized use of data obtained through full access to court decisions is growing — and it needs to be fixed.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-leaky-registry-what-s-wrong-with-full-access-to-court-decisions/">A Leaky Registry: What’s Wrong with Full Access to Court Decisions</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The problem of unauthorized use of data obtained through full access to court decisions is growing — and it needs to be fixed.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pre-trial investigations must remain strictly confidential up to a certain point. Suspects, the public, and uninvolved state bodies should have no visibility into what the prosecution is doing or planning. The logic is simple: keep outsiders away from the evidence before it&#8217;s secured. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That&#8217;s what information security systems are for. Yet suspects will always try to stay one step ahead of law enforcement, covering their tracks and shielding themselves from prosecution. Which is why we keep seeing </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/dani-pro-rozsliduvannja-zlivali-i-zlivajut-krivonos-pro-rozsliduvannja-plivok-mindicha.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">reports</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of attempts to extract information during the “closed” stages of an investigation, before a formal suspicion notice is ever served. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One tool they&#8217;ve exploited is access to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions (USRCD) — not the public version available to everyone, but full access: the kind that reveals names, addresses, and even rulings from closed hearings, including search warrants, temporary access orders, and asset freezes. Some people have turned this into a business. Last year, NABU </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/sprava-advokativ-khakeriv-jak-nabu-vijavilo-parazitiv.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">served suspicion notices</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to lawyers involved in schemes for illegally accessing sealed court rulings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Further evidence of the problem surfaced at a parliamentary anti-corruption committee </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/live/cik0U8flSXc?si=woIys6huxeCbk41c"><span style="font-weight: 400;">session</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on February 26, when the NABU and the SAPO leadership disclosed that a number of officials — from the SSU, ARMA, SBI, PGO, and the National Police — had searched and viewed HACC rulings in the so-called Midas operation: warrants and procedural orders, some of which were still confidential at the time. According to anti-corruption authorities, none of this activity could be explained by professional necessity. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This article examines the root causes and potential solutions. </span></p>
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			            	Further evidence of the problem surfaced at a parliamentary anti-corruption committee session on February 26, when the NABU and the SAPO leadership disclosed that a number of officials — from the SSU, ARMA, SBI, PGO, and the National Police — had searched and viewed HACC rulings in the so-called Midas operation
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">How does register access work?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The USRCD </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v1200910-18#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">operates</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> under two access tiers. </span></p>
<p><b>General access</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is open to the public via the </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">official web portal</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. All published decisions are depersonalized — names, addresses, and other sensitive data are stripped out. </span></p>
<p><b>Full access</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is a restricted, service-use instrument available exclusively to judges, court staff, and authorized personnel of law enforcement and state bodies (NABU, SAPO, SSU, SBI, ARMA, etc.). This tier displays unredacted documents in their entirety. Authorization </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/login"><span style="font-weight: 400;">requires login</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> through the Electronic Court system using personal digital keys or tokens.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under the USRCD </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v1200910-18#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Maintenance Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the administrator — state enterprise Judicial Information Systems — is required to track and log all actions by authorized users. In other words: there&#8217;s a paper trail for who searched what, and when.</span></p>
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			            	Under the USRCD Maintenance Procedure, the administrator — state enterprise Judicial Information Systems — is required to track and log all actions by authorized users. In other words: there&#8217;s a paper trail for who searched what, and when.
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">What&#8217;s the problem?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Debate over the unauthorized dissemination of information obtained through full register access intensified following several NABU cases, most notably the </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/LAW/sprava-borzikh-vkazuje-na-potrebu-zakriti-dostup-do-sudovikh-rishen-dlja-zahalu-na-chas-slidstva.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Borzykh case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. More recently, the </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/172waWeqQU/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Midas operation</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> disclosure revealed officials from multiple agencies browsing sealed rulings without legitimate cause. And during HACC judicial selection interviews, it </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-one/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">emerged</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that candidates — themselves authorized registry users — had conducted searches impossible to justify on professional grounds. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As we can see, last year alone saw no shortage of unjustified searches in the USRCD. The mechanisms enabling these leaks fall into three categories.</span></p>
<p><b>Use of others&#8217; credentials</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Various authorities have confirmed cases where third parties (typically lawyers) accessed the sealed register using judges&#8217; login credentials. In one case from the Kyiv Region, a lawyer allegedly logged in under a judge&#8217;s credentials to </span><a href="https://glavcom.ua/kyiv/news/dbr-pidozrjuje-advokata-z-kijivshchini-u-zlivi-informatsiji-z-jersr-1042831.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">retrieve rulings</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> concerning his clients (operators of fraudulent call centers) and tipped them off about planned investigative actions. This was prosecuted as unauthorized interference with automated systems under Article 361(5) of the Criminal Code.</span></p>
<p><b>Court staff acting as insiders</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Schemes have also been uncovered where court employees systematically supply information to outside clients. In Dnipro, a </span><a href="https://sudreporter.org/u-dnipri-pomichnyczyu-suddi-pidozryuyut-u-zlyvi-informacziyi-z-reyestru-sudovyh-rishen/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">judge&#8217;s assistant</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> allegedly conducted targeted searches twice a week on behalf of criminal actors and lawyers, printed search warrants (including those in money-laundering cases) and handed them over for payment.</span></p>
<p><b>Unjustified searches under full access</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Log analysis </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-one/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">during HACC selection interviews</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> revealed widespread misuse of service-level credentials for personal purposes. It was established that candidates (sitting judges) had run hundreds of queries on former family members, their businesses, or their own cases. One candidate&#8217;s login was linked to 240 queries unrelated to their caseload, including 75 searches on their sister&#8217;s ex-husband, who was under investigation. System logs show recurring searches by name on prominent figures in anti-corruption investigations (Alperin, for example), conducted by individuals with no procedural connection to those cases whatsoever. Candidates routinely explain this away as “general professional curiosity,” but for investigators it creates a real risk of prematurely exposing prosecutorial strategy.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Technical logging can trace activity tied to a specific digital key over years. Yet users frequently claim no knowledge of the individuals searched or simply can&#8217;t explain the queries — strongly suggesting either credential-sharing or deliberate concealment.</span></p>
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			            	Last year alone saw no shortage of unjustified searches in the USRCD. The mechanisms enabling these leaks fall into three categories.
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">What&#8217;s the current legal framework?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Law of Ukraine on </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3262-15#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Access to Court Decisions</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the primary statute governing the USRCD, specifies when general access may be restricted — </span><b>but says nothing about restricting full access to particular categories of decisions</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The assumption, apparently, was that all authorized users would handle the information responsibly. The record shows otherwise.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In response, the High Council of Justice adopted </span><a href="https://hcj.gov.ua/doc/doc/40739"><span style="font-weight: 400;">amendments</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in July 2023, at NABU&#8217;s request, permitting investigators and prosecutors to restrict (or delay) general access to certain rulings. The Supreme Court </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/117340691"><span style="font-weight: 400;">struck</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> those amendments down.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On top of all preventive measures, criminal liability applies to unauthorized actions involving register data. The relevant offenses include: unauthorized interference with the operation of information and communication systems and networks (Article 361 of the Criminal Code); illegal sale or distribution of restricted-access information stored in computer systems (Article 361-2); deliberate entry of false information or failure to timely enter data into judicial automated systems (the UJITC, etc.), as well as unauthorized actions involving data in such systems — whether committed by authorized users or outsiders (Article 376-1).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But criminal liability is reactive — it responds to leaks that have already occurred. It does not deter effectively, nor does it protect ongoing investigations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The USRCD </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v1200910-18#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Maintenance Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> does authorize Judicial Information Systems to revoke full access from users who violate the law, including by disclosing register information. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tellingly, the gaps in USRCD access regulation are acknowledged by the expert community as well. The draft Anti-Corruption Strategy 2026–2030 lists as an </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/pdfjs/?file=/wp-content/uploads/Pages/1a/ed/1aed203ebee05a76db89746d32e943bc4dddd9ae3e0f131c7e175a75c2fce25a221231.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">expected result</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the establishment of effective mechanisms to prevent, detect, and respond to abuse in automated case distribution and register access — including audit and automated monitoring of full-access user activity (para. 2.1.5.4). It also requires that any restriction on access to court decisions be justified, proportionate, and based on legally established procedures (para. 2.1.5.5). The message is clear: the current framework is inadequate and the need for changes is already overdue.</span></p>
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			            	Criminal liability is reactive — it responds to leaks that have already occurred. It does not deter effectively, nor does it protect ongoing investigations.</p>
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">What needs to change?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One step has already been taken: as of March 1, 2025, USRCD authorization </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/direktor-nabu-semen-krivonos-pidozrjuvani-advokati-ne-jedini-khto-kachav-informatsiju-z-rejestriv.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">requires</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> tokens through the Electronic Court system, eliminating simple username-and-password logins. This makes it possible to establish that full access was obtained from a specific judge — not as a result of negligence.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Legislative reform is the other piece of the puzzle. Earlier attempts to amend the law on access to court decisions, including to prevent unauthorized disclosure of information available under full access, have already been made. Last year, MPs actively pushed </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/statement-on-parliament-s-attempt-to-unreasonably-restrict-right-to-information/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft Law No. 7033-d</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which drew public criticism for proposals that would have restricted general access to the USRCD as well — a disproportionate and unacceptable overreach. A </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1CSHL1CyCQ/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">revised version</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is now back before the relevant committee. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There have also been calls to </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/sprava-advokativ-khakeriv-jak-nabu-vijavilo-parazitiv.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">close off</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> all pre-trial decisions from the register entirely. But it bears repeating: unauthorized dissemination occurs precisely through full access — the tier that is, by design, limited to a narrow circle of users. Moreover, many pre-trial rulings are issued in open hearings, some of which are even </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42025000000001123"><span style="font-weight: 400;">broadcast</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Blanket restriction on general access to such rulings would undermine public oversight — and that is unacceptable.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also worth acknowledging that </span><b>full access to the register can, in certain cases, be a genuinely effective tool.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Quick access to information helps resolve conflicts of interest, prevent attempts to resell assets after a freeze, and address other operational needs. But calibrating the scope of accessible rulings to the actual mandate of the official holding full access would go a long way toward eliminating the risks of unauthorized disclosure.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To protect particularly sensitive pre-trial information, we support legislative proposals to </span><b>restrict full access as well</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, so that officials would be unable to retrieve information on search warrants, covert investigative measures, asset freezes, and temporary access orders. Critically, these restrictions should apply specifically to decisions issued in closed hearings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The closed-hearing mechanism under Article 27 of the Criminal Procedure Code allows for the publication of rulings with targeted redaction of information whose disclosure could harm either individual rights or the interests of the pre-trial investigation. Blanket restriction on general access to decisions issued in open proceedings, such as pre-trial detention rulings or extensions of investigation periods, would erode accountability and public monitoring, including the ability to track the progress of corruption investigations. Post-indictment asset freeze decisions, reviewed with the participation of property owners, allow the public to monitor whether confiscation actually follows conviction. That oversight function must be preserved.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even now, a troubling pattern is visible: access to certain plea agreement verdicts is being restricted from general view, despite judges </span><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4619"><span style="font-weight: 400;">having the tools</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to redact only the sensitive portions. However important the interests of an investigation may be, the mechanisms of accountability and transparency must not be sacrificed — they are among Ukraine&#8217;s hard-won achievements on the road to democratic law enforcement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Finally, having reviewed the recordings of joint PCIE and HJCJ qualification sessions on HACC judicial selection, we can confirm that the technical capacity to monitor USRCD activity already exists. What is now needed is a legal obligation to use it: regular audits of search activity, with clear and enforceable consequences — disciplinary action for unjustified queries, and criminal liability where the elements of an offense are present.</span></p>
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			            	Having reviewed the recordings of joint PCIE and HJCJ qualification sessions on HACC judicial selection, we can confirm that the technical capacity to monitor USRCD activity already exists. What is now needed is a legal obligation to use it: regular audits of search activity, with clear and enforceable consequences
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Unauthorized access to the court register has become a systemic problem — and criminal liability alone will not solve it. Addressing it requires a comprehensive approach combining technical, legislative, and organizational measures.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">First, the scope of full register access must be reviewed against the actual mandate of each official who holds it. Where clear criteria can be established, that access should be narrowed accordingly.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Second, legislation must restrict full access to specific categories of decisions: search warrants, asset freezes, and other rulings issued in closed hearings. These should be unavailable in full mode for a defined period, or until a specified trigger — such as the delivery of a verdict in the case.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The closed-hearing mechanism under Article 27 of the Criminal Procedure Code should in turn be applied consistently — with targeted redaction of sensitive information, not wholesale closure of entire decisions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Third, the existing technical logging capacity must become the foundation for regular audits of search activity, with clear consequences for unjustified queries — disciplinary or criminal, depending on whether the elements of an offense are present.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Throughout all of this, any restrictions must leave the principle of open justice intact. Unjustifiably closing off access to plea agreement verdicts or pre-trial rulings, such as detention decisions, would undermine the democratic oversight of law enforcement that Ukraine has been building.</span></p>
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			            	Unauthorized access to the court register has become a systemic problem — and criminal liability alone will not solve it. Addressing it requires a comprehensive approach combining technical, legislative, and organizational measures.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-leaky-registry-what-s-wrong-with-full-access-to-court-decisions/">A Leaky Registry: What’s Wrong with Full Access to Court Decisions</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Selecting Judges for the HACC: Interviews in Review</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Андрій Боровик]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 24 Mar 2026 10:57:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=blog&#038;p=32648</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Twenty-two new judges for the HACC — that is the outcome of the candidate interview stage, conducted jointly by international experts and the judicial qualification commission. Here is a closer look at what those aspiring to take a seat on the bench were actually asked.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/">Selecting Judges for the HACC: Interviews in Review</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Twenty-two new judges for the High Anti-Corruption Court — that is the </span></i><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-2-0-competition-results-that-will-determine-justice-quality-for-years/"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">outcome of the candidate interview stage</span></i></a><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">, conducted jointly by international experts and the judicial qualification commission. Here is a closer look at what those aspiring to take a seat on the bench were actually asked.</span></i></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What is the selection process about?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Before we knew it, the most intensive phase of the competition for HACC judgeships had come to a close: interviews with candidates conducted by the Public Council of International Experts (PCIE) and the High Qualifications Commission of Judges (HQCJ). Over the course of more than four weeks, they held 69 interviews. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Candidates were questioned about their assets, prior rulings, professional accomplishments, their motivation for joining the HACC, any travel to Russia or temporarily occupied territories, plagiarism in academic work, and much more. I covered the key moments from the first two weeks of interviews in an </span><a href="https://www.liga.net/ua/society/opinion/reputatsiia-pid-mikroskopom-iak-kandydaty-do-vaks-dovodiat-svoiu-dobrochesnist"><span style="font-weight: 400;">earlier piece</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As a reminder, the competition is being held to fill 23 vacant positions — 13 in the HACC&#8217;s court of first instance and 10 in its Appeals Chamber. This is already the second selection round: the process launched in 2023 yielded only two successful candidates out of 25 openings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is worth noting that the involvement of international experts provided an additional guarantee of transparency and impartiality. Equally important was the close collaboration between the PCIE and the HQCJ, as well as the active participation of civil society and international partners. The interviews were genuinely grounded in thorough analysis of candidates&#8217; biographies, financial disclosures, and a range of other matters. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It should also be noted that under Ukraine&#8217;s obligations within the </span><a href="https://www.ukrainefacility.me.gov.ua/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/plan-ukraine-facility.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine Facility</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> plan, the country must appoint at least 20 judges. The number of candidates who advanced past the interview stage is sufficient for Ukraine to meet that commitment.</span></p>
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			            	It should also be noted that under Ukraine&#8217;s obligations within the Ukraine Facility plan, the country must appoint at least 20 judges. The number of candidates who advanced past the interview stage is sufficient for Ukraine to meet that commitment.
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<p>
			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What were candidates asked about?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over the final two and a half weeks, PCIE and HQCJ members conducted 36 interviews. The participation of two candidates — Maksym Hloba and Stanislav Nesterenko — was terminated by the commission. So what were the most notable lines of questioning?</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Bitcoin, solar panels, and billion-hryvnia businesses</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Assets, business interests, and automobiles dominated the experts&#8217; questions. </span><b>Ihor Omelian</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a lecturer at the International European University, was asked about companies in which he appeared as a co-founder: Podil Agro Invest LLC (with a charter capital of UAH 4.2 billion, of which UAH 1.4 billion belonged to the candidate) and Sea Investment Group LLC (with a charter capital of UAH 560 million, of which UAH 140 million was his share). Omelian claimed he had voluntarily withdrawn from both ventures due to their failure, walking away from his billion-hryvnia stakes without complaint.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Curiously, Omelian appeared to be trying to impress the PCIE and HQCJ with a display of integrity, noting that he could have omitted a property from his declaration since it “wasn&#8217;t even in the registry” and no one would have noticed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another business arrangement that drew the panel&#8217;s attention was the solar panel operation of attorney </span><b>Volodymyr Bubleinyk</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Through the sale of electricity under a green energy tariff, he managed to earn half a million euros — while the seven buildings used to house the panels had been transferred to him free of charge by the local municipal council. He explained that the properties had no market value and that the council&#8217;s motivation was to boost budget revenues and promote renewable energy development.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Attorney </span><b>Olena Roik</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> faced extensive questioning about the origins of her assets — most notably, the lack of documentation for the purchase of two bitcoins she allegedly sold in 2021 for $155,000, without paying taxes. She claimed to have subsequently lent that money to a friend, and had to take legal action to recover it. Also raising eyebrows was the purchase of an Aston Martin for UAH 14 million in 2025 — a sum far exceeding her declared income. Roik described the car as a particular way of “storing cash” accumulated through savings, an inheritance, and a loan. When asked about the ethics of purchasing a luxury vehicle just one month before the competition, she responded with confidence: she was “not ashamed” of her declaration and considered herself “modest.”</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Searches in the Court Decisions Registry</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also continued probing candidates about searches of restricted personal information — their own or that of close associates — conducted through full-access mode in the Unified State Register of Court Decisions, information they could have exploited for personal gain. The explanations varied. </span><b>Tetiana Troian</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Sosnivskyi District Court in Cherkasy, admitted to conducting such searches in order to monitor potential debt collection proceedings initiated by a bank. </span></p>
<p><b>Yuliia Retynska</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Zavodskyi District Court in Zaporizhzhia, attributed the searches to a technical mix-up between browser tabs with different access levels during her work. She separately confirmed that she had shared information about the criminal liability of a friend&#8217;s ex-husband, insisting she had only disclosed data from open cases. The commission apparently found these explanations satisfactory — Retynska advanced to the next stage.</span></p>
<p><b>Ihor Chaikin</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Pokrovskyi District Court in Kryvyi Rih, explained that he had searched for himself and close relatives on over 100 occasions while preparing documents for various competitions, to verify information about any potential criminal proceedings or court summons. The PCIE and HQCJ found this sufficient grounds to pass him through as well.</span></p>
<p><b>Oleksandr Leonov</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Khadzhybeiskyi District Court of Odesa, additionally reported that his profile had been accessed without authorization, resulting in nearly 1,000 queries.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">The charitable attorneys</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During one interview, a PCIE expert could not help but remark that Ukraine, unlike most other countries, appears to have an unusually widespread practice of attorneys providing their services free of charge. The pattern surfaced, for example, during the interview with </span><b>Oleksandr Zavhorodnii</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, who — despite having no declared income in 2015–2017 and 2020–2021, and having relocated from occupied territory — continued offering his legal services at no cost. </span></p>
<p><b>Ivan Kravchenko</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a lecturer at Sumy National Agrarian University, attributed the absence of revenue from the law firm he co-founded to </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">pro bono</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> work. </span></p>
<p><b>Anton Baida</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, an associate professor at the Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University, similarly stated that despite holding an attorney&#8217;s license, he handled nearly all cases for free — for acquaintances — citing it as a way to test his theoretical knowledge in practice. He also noted that he lacked the funds to cover the mandatory continuing professional development required of licensed attorneys.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pardoning drunk drivers</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HQCJ and PCIE also scrutinized candidates&#8217; judicial track records, specifically a pattern of mass case closures involving drunk driving charges on grounds of statutory time limits having lapsed. </span></p>
<p><b>Oleh Marchuk</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Vasylkiv City-District Court in Kyiv Region, explained that procedural notification issues were common in such cases and that his workload had been excessive overall. It also emerged that Marchuk himself had accumulated more than 20 administrative traffic violations — he suggested that some may have been committed by his wife, though he acknowledged that in roughly 15 instances, he was indeed the offender.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Similar concerns were raised with </span><b>Iryna Tokarska</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Manevychi District Court, Volyn Region. She justified the mass closures of DUI cases — either on the basis of expired time limits or by imposing fines without license revocation — by pointing to the difficulty of summoning military personnel to court and the fact that some offenders lacked driving licenses. Her decision to close a case involving an intoxicated serviceman, which she explained as a “gesture of leniency” following combat near Bakhmut, drew particular criticism. </span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">I also cannot omit the high-profile moment when NABU and SAPO exposed Ivan Posokhov, a judge of the Siverskodonetsk City Court, Luhansk Region, on charges of soliciting a $30,000 bribe — while he was actively participating in the HACC judicial selection competition. What made it especially striking was his statement during the interview that he was unaware of any misconduct among colleagues or anyone else. On the subject of corruption, he remarked that the phenomenon exists — but that he had never personally encountered it.</span></p>
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			            	I also cannot omit the high-profile moment when NABU and SAPO exposed Ivan Posokhov, a judge of the Siverskodonetsk City Court, Luhansk Region, on charges of soliciting a $30,000 bribe — while he was actively participating in the HACC judicial selection competition.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Andrii Borovyk
			            </p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the results</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview stage, conducted with the participation of international experts and the qualification commission, proved to be an indispensable part of the competition — a moment where candidates could be confronted directly with the most sensitive aspects of their professional histories. It is worth emphasizing that the picture drawn in this article is inevitably incomplete: what matters most is how candidates respond to tough questions when pressed. As we have seen, some answers were deemed sufficient to carry candidates forward.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for the process itself — we once again have reason to believe in the effectiveness of this selection model, despite the considerable skepticism that has surrounded it. What this round demonstrates is that involving international experts can genuinely ensure transparency, quality, and independence in the appointment of HACC judges — and that this is not merely a box-ticking exercise</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Following this stage, interviews are also conducted by the High Council of Justice (HCJ). If the Council endorses the HQCJ&#8217;s decisions, the President appoints the judges upon its recommendation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The results of this stage are, in my opinion, something of a compromise. Among those who may advance to become judges are four candidates whose interview responses were notably unconvincing. </span></p>
<p><b>Vladyslav Kukhta</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, presiding judge of the Chernihiv District Court, was called out by the PCIE on ethical grounds. He secured a third term as court chair by exploiting a two-month administrative “pause” in his tenure to circumvent a legal two-term limit. That same maneuver also allowed a colleague to secure lifetime financial benefits at a salary inflated by 10% for the administrative role. In addition, in 2020 he recused himself from a prominent espionage case with Belarusian dimensions, for which the HCJ formally reprimanded him.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another prospective HACC judge is </span><b>Iryna Teslenko</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, currently a judge of the Kreminna District Court in Luhansk Region, seconded to the Solomianskyi District Court of Kyiv. She was questioned about failing to declare rented housing in Kreminna, a questionable valuation of an apartment in Kharkiv, and a series of profitable car resales by her family. She explained the absence of a registered address by claiming she stayed in hotels on working days and paid in cash; the car profits she attributed to her husband&#8217;s repair work. The HQCJ also flagged a discrepancy between her savings and expenditures during maternity leave, as well as trips to Russia after 2014 — which she justified as an unavoidable necessity in order to purchase medication for her parents.</span></p>
<p><b>Yuliia Retynska</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, mentioned earlier in connection with the registry searches, also had to explain a significant jump in her savings: in 2020 she managed to set aside approximately $15,000, as her net income rose from UAH 300,000 to UAH 700,000. She explained this by deliberately saving for a home purchase and cutting personal expenses sharply following the start of the full-scale invasion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The final candidate to raise concerns is </span><b>Olha Pevna</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Troitske District Court in Luhansk Region. PCIE and HQCJ members found inconsistencies in her asset declarations for 2016–2022. Among the financial red flags: in 2019, after accounting for savings, she was left with just UAH 290 per month. She insists her expenses were covered by her children&#8217;s father. The commission noted, however, that this should have been declared. Additional concerns include late submission of financial disclosure reports and suspicious transactions involving the purchase and refund of a defective vehicle bought in the Czech Republic. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission was also intrigued by her relationship with her ex-husband: the couple divorced in 2015, yet had a child together in 2020, traveled as a family, and shared property. There is speculation that the divorce may have been fictitious — a means of shielding assets from seizure following a traffic accident in which the husband was involved and victims sustained serious injuries. Pevna denied this, saying contact with her ex-husband was strictly limited to co-parenting.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">What remains critically important now is to see the full written reasoning behind the PCIE and HQCJ decisions for each candidate — and to await the High Council of Justice&#8217;s review.</span></p>
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			            	What remains critically important now is to see the full written reasoning behind the PCIE and HQCJ decisions for each candidate — and to await the High Council of Justice&#8217;s review.
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			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/">Selecting Judges for the HACC: Interviews in Review</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>HACC 2.0: Competition Results That Will Determine Justice Quality for Years</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-2-0-competition-results-that-will-determine-justice-quality-for-years/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Mar 2026 08:53:39 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32631</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The selection of 22 new HACC judges is a real strengthening of justice in high-profile corruption cases and proof that the competition did take place.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-2-0-competition-results-that-will-determine-justice-quality-for-years/">HACC 2.0: Competition Results That Will Determine Justice Quality for Years</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The selection of 22 new HACC judges is a real strengthening of justice in high-profile corruption cases and proof that the competition did take place. Ukraine as a state has done everything possible to fulfill the key indicator of the </span></i><a href="https://www.ukrainefacility.me.gov.ua/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/plan-ukraine-facility.pdf"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine Facility Plan</span></i></a><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">. However, does quantity equal quality in this case? </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine is approaching the implementation of the next step in its European integration commitments. According to the results of interviews conducted by the </span><b>High Qualification Commission of Judges (HQCJ) </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">and the </span><b>Public Council of International Experts (PCIE)</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><b>22 potential judges</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the High Anti-Corruption Court (HACC) were identified, who, subject to successful completion of the next stages, will form part of the court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Increasing the number of judges will speed up the consideration of cases of top corruption and reduce the workload on the current composition of the HACC.</span></p>
<p><b>Transparency International Ukraine</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> has been monitoring this process since 2024. After the first selection attempt, when only two judges were appointed instead of 25, we </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/problems-in-the-second-competition-for-selecting-hacc-judges/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">analyzed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the problems of the competition and promoted systemic changes for the new stage. It is clear today that these efforts were not in vain.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“However, does quantity equal quality in this case? We assessed the information about all 73 candidates to become a judge of the HACC or the HACC Appeals Chamber. We also kept notes of each interview. In our opinion, the determined number of candidates who moved to the next round (interviews with the High Council of Justice) somewhat resembles a compromise. </span></i><b><i>In particular, among those who were admitted to the next stage, there are four candidates whose answers seemed to us extremely doubtful, so we are waiting for the published justifications for the decision of the PCIE and the HQCJ regarding each participant of the competition. </i></b><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Subsequently, this issue will be considered by the HCJ,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">says </span><b>Andrii Borovyk, </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Executive Director of Transparency International Ukraine.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The full list of candidates who continue to participate in the competition:</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4879"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Natalia Doroshenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Rivne District Administrative Court</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4879"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vladyslav Kukhta</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Head of the Chernihiv District Court of Chernihiv Oblast</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4879"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olena Tanasevych</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — HACC Judge</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4884"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Rubashchenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Associate Professor of the Department of Criminal Law at Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4891"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Marta-Maria Yatsynina</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Senior Lecturer at the Ukrainian Catholic University</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4895"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oksana Hutsal </span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">— Judge of the Orikhivskyi District Court of Zaporizhzhia Region</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4898"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Antypenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of Rokytnianskyi District Court of Kyiv Oblast</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4898"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Dudchenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Associate Professor of the Department of Criminal Procedure at Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4902"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevhen Didenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — judge of the Pryazovskyi District Court of Zaporizhzhia Oblast.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4902"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Iryna Teslenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Kreminskyi District Court of Luhansk Oblast</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4909"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vitalii Koriahin</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Terniv City Court</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4925"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lesia Skrekla</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Associate Professor at Lviv University of Trade and Economics</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4932"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Khamkhodera</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — army officer</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4932"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Pika</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — attorney</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4932"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tetiana Troyan</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Sosnivskyi District Court of Cherkasy</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4964"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yuliia Retynska</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Zavodskyi District Court of Zaporizhzhia</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4972"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Chaikin</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Pokrovskyi District Court of Kryvyi Rih</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4975"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olha Pevna</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Troitskyi District Court of Luhansk Oblast, temporarily assigned to the Kyivskyi District Court of Kharkiv</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4982"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kateryna Sikora</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — HACC Judge</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4996"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Natalia Movchan</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — HACC Judge</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4996"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Inna Smal</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of Sosnytskyi District Court of Chernihiv Oblast</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4999"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Denys Kovalenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Judge of the Rubizhne City Court of Luhansk Oblast</span></li>
</ol>
<p><b>Why is this important right now?</b></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Fulfillment of international obligations. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The selection of new judges is one of the commitments under the </span><b>Ukraine Facility Plan</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. The result of 22 potential judges may indicate that Ukraine has actually fulfilled this clause, demonstrating the dynamics that our international partners and the European Commission expect.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Quality and transparency of the process.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Ukraine has once again proved its ability to carry out complex personnel updates, and the participation of international experts has become an additional guarantee for the trust in the results achieved. The fruitful cooperation of the HQCJ and the PCIE is crucial in this case. We need international experts in selection procedures so that the high bar is not lowered by unlawful political influences. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Institutional capacity</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">: In the context of a full-scale war and the need to constantly strengthen public bodies, effective justice in corruption cases is an important safeguard against abuse. Subject to successful completion of the next stages of the competition, the new judges will strengthen the HACC as an institution and justify the trust granted to them by the PCIE.</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We at </span><b>Transparency International Ukraine</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> believe that the competition was conducted at a sufficiently high level. The results of the HACC operation, which is constantly proving its independence, attract the attention of both Ukrainian society and international partners. Ukraine demonstrates that it continues to move along the path of reforms. </span></p>
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			            	In our opinion, the determined number of candidates who moved to the next round (interviews with the High Council of Justice) somewhat resembles a compromise. In particular, among those who were admitted to the next stage, there are four candidates whose answers seemed to us extremely doubtful, so we are waiting for the published justifications for the decision of the PCIE and the HQCJ regarding each participant of the competition.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Andrii Borovyk
			            </p>
</p></div>
</p></div>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-2-0-competition-results-that-will-determine-justice-quality-for-years/">HACC 2.0: Competition Results That Will Determine Justice Quality for Years</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Anti-Corruption That Works: The Results of NABU, SAPO, and HACC</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/anti-corruption-that-works-the-results-of-nabu-sapo-and-hacc/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 17 Mar 2026 16:43:30 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32632</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The performance of the NABU and the SAPO at the pre-trial investigation stage, as well as the HACC’s performance in court proceedings, is improving. But what exactly lies behind the figures in these institutions’ reports?</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/anti-corruption-that-works-the-results-of-nabu-sapo-and-hacc/">Anti-Corruption That Works: The Results of NABU, SAPO, and HACC</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The performance of the NABU and the SAPO at the pre-trial investigation stage, as well as the HACC’s performance in court proceedings, is improving. But what exactly lies behind the figures in these institutions’ reports? </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In July, even before the protests in defense of NABU’s and SAPO’s independence, we once again heard a whole wave of manipulative claims about whether NABU and SAPO had any real results at all. As had happened many times before, many of those advocating for dismantling the independence of the anti-corruption bodies relied on unverified information or on data mixed with half-truths.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We have seen this approach—highlighting shortcomings while turning a blind eye to the anti-corruption bodies’ actual performance indicators—almost since their launch after the Revolution of Dignity. But time has passed, and the results are there. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">All of this underscores the relevance of ongoing </span><a href="https://law.ukma.edu.ua/kruglyj-stil-prysvyasenyj-efektyvnosti-dosudovogo-rozsliduvannya/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">discussions</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> about how to properly assess the effectiveness of pretrial investigations. It also points to the need to implement one of the measures </span><a href="https://eu-ua.kmu.gov.ua/wp-content/uploads/UA_Dorozhnya_karta_z_pytan_verhovenstva_prava_2.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">laid down</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in the Rule of Law Road Map: creating a unified system for collecting and publishing anti-corruption statistics by the end of 2026. This system is expected to cover data on investigations, court cases, asset seizure and confiscation, and corruption prevention measures.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Until such a system is in place, the NABU and the HACC publish semiannual activity reports. Just a few weeks ago, the heads of NABU and SAPO held a </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/live/sUGQy7--E08"><span style="font-weight: 400;">briefing</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to present their performance report, while earlier the </span><a href="https://hcac.court.gov.ua/hcac/gromadyanam/reports/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">HACC published</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> its statistical reports on its activities in 2025.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this article, we want to take a closer look at what lies behind the reported figures and what trends can be seen over the past two turbulent years for anti-corruption efforts. </span></p>
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<p class="quote">
			            	In July, even before the protests in defense of NABU’s and SAPO’s independence, we once again heard a whole wave of manipulative claims about whether NABU and SAPO had any real results at all. As had happened many times before, many of those advocating for dismantling the independence of the anti-corruption bodies relied on unverified information.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Pavlo Demchuk
			            </p>
</p></div>
</p></div>
</p></div>
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<h3><b>How quickly NABU investigates cases and SAPO sends indictments to court</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The data presented in February point to a certain decline in the number of people notified of suspicion in corruption cases in 2025, but overall, they indicate intensified work targeting top officials. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">While in 2024 notices of suspicion were served on 231 people in total, in 2025 that number was 218. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">So how did these figures change across categories of officials?</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The number of the </span><b>highest-ranking officials</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> notified of suspicion (ministers, heads of central executive authorities, and their deputies) doubled, from 6 people in 2024 to 12 in 2025.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, in 2024 former Minister of Agrarian Policy </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52019000000000585"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Solskyi</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was notified of suspicion in a land seizure case in Sumy region; former Deputy Head of the Office of the President </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42023000000000436"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Smyrnov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was notified of suspicion for laundering illicitly obtained funds and accepting an offer of a bribe; and former Deputy Energy Minister </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42024110000000146"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Kheilo</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was notified of suspicion for offering a bribe. </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2025, those notified of suspicion included Antimonopoly Committee Head </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52024000000000633"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pavlo Kyrylenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in a new episode of failure to declare assets and illicit enrichment; former Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Unity of Ukraine </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/uk/cases/52024000000000088"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksii Chernyshov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for alleged abuse of office and accepting an undue benefit; and former Deputy Minister of Agrarian Policy and Food </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1BmqdWDZZZ/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Volodymyr Topchii</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for alleged abuse of office.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Representatives of the judiciary: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">10 people received notices of suspicion in 2025, compared with 5 in 2024.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among the NABU-SAPO proceedings in 2024, notable cases included the bribery case involving economic court </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52024000000000534"><span style="font-weight: 400;">judges</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in Lviv region and the case involving </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52025000000000226"><span style="font-weight: 400;">judges</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi court in Odesa region, who allegedly accepted bribes for rulings that became grounds for draft deferments. In 2025, suspects in NABU bribery cases included a </span><a href="https://nabu.gov.ua/news/khabar-za-potribne-rishennia-vykryto-suddiu/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">judge</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of a city district court in Dnipropetrovsk region, a </span><a href="https://nabu.gov.ua/en/news/10-tys-dol-ssha-za-potribne-sudove-rishennia-vykryto-grupu-osib/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">judge</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of one of Odesa’s district courts, and a </span><a href="https://nabu.gov.ua/en/news/khabar-za-potribne-rishennia-pidozriuyet-sia-suddia/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">judge</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the Volovets district court.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Members of Parliament</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and local councils, as well as other </span><b>local senior officials</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">: the figure remained at roughly the same level—21 people in 2025 versus 22 in 2024. </span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this category, those notified of suspicion in 2024 included MP </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42024000000000210"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Zadorozhnii</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">,</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> who, according to the prosecution, together with accomplices solicited a bribe from the head of a village council in Sumy region and organized its transfer. Notices of suspicion were also served on </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42022000000001637"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Iryna Kormyshkina</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in a case involving illicit enrichment and false declarations, and on Mukachevo Mayor </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52023000000000459"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Baloha</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for allegedly ensuring the adoption of a decision to sell a municipally owned land plot at an understated price. In 2025, NABU and SAPO notified MP </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52022000000000169"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Bondar</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of suspicion for organizing a scheme to supply products to Ukrzaliznytsia at inflated prices. In another </span><a href="https://www.pravda.com.ua/eng/news/2025/12/27/8013640/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, as many as four sitting MPs—Yevhen Pyvovarov, Ihor Nehulevskyi, Olha Savchenko, and Yurii Kisiel—were named as suspects for, according to the investigation, systematically receiving undue benefits in exchange for voting in Parliament.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The number of </span><b>suspected officials of state agencies</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and state-owned companies decreased: there were 23 such individuals in 2025, compared with 37 in 2024.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This can be explained, among other things, by the implementation of a </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1EqBw7bMs2/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">policy of prioritizing</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> investigations into high-level corruption.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The process of sending cases to court has also changed. The </span><b>number of people in respect of whom indictments were prepared increased</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. In 2024, indictments were drawn up against 243 people (131 in the first half of the year and 112 in the second half), while in 2025 that number rose to 280 (154 in the first half and 126 in the second half).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2025, the largest number of SAPO indictments concerned:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>heads of other state agencies and state-owned companies</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">—56 people. Among them were four defendants in the case about the </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3419"><span style="font-weight: 400;">embezzlement</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of funds from Ukrzaliznytsia; officials and their accomplices in the case concerning </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3284"><span style="font-weight: 400;">abuse</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> at the Odesa Portside Plant; and officials charged in connection with </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3061"><span style="font-weight: 400;">laundering</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> funds belonging to state-owned enterprises that were part of the Ukroboronprom concern.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Members of Parliament</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and local councils, as well as other </span><b>local senior officials</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">—23 people. In 2025, cases sent to court included those against two former members of the Odesa Regional Council, who together with other accomplices </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3361"><span style="font-weight: 400;">seized</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> 32 vessels, converted them into 12 barges, and unlawfully appropriated them. Also sent to court with an indictment was the case against </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3358"><span style="font-weight: 400;">MP Zadorozhnii</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, who, with the assistance of National Police officials, demanded a bribe in exchange for not obstructing infrastructure repair works in Sumy region. A former member of the Kharkiv Regional Council also became a defendant after allegedly </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3277"><span style="font-weight: 400;">organizing a criminal group</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> whose actions in electricity sales during wartime caused losses of more than UAH 58 million to Ukrenergo.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Law enforcement officials</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">—26 people. Defendants in NABU and SAPO cases in this category included an </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3339"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ex-detective</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the central office of the Bureau of Economic Security and a senior investigator of the Main Department of the National Police in Kyiv region for demanding an undue benefit of $150,000; the </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3260"><span style="font-weight: 400;">head</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of a sector within the SSU Department for the Protection of National Statehood and two other individuals exposed for demanding an undue benefit of $300,000; and a </span><a href="https://t.me/sap_gov_ua/3050"><span style="font-weight: 400;">former head</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of a department of the Cherkasy Regional Prosecutor’s Office and a civilian who were exposed while receiving $41,000.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This trend shows that NABU and SAPO are not only opening more proceedings but are also more effectively bringing pretrial investigations to completion. This dispels the myth that NABU merely announces suspicions while the number of indictments remains low. Of course, once a person has been notified of suspicion, completing the pretrial investigation takes time, especially where mutual legal assistance measures are involved or suspects are being sought. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even so, for analytical purposes it would be appropriate for the statistics to include the average duration of pretrial investigations of criminal offenses, with a breakdown of the number of criminal proceedings in which the investigation has been suspended and an indication of the reasons for that, as well as the duration of the defense’s review of the case materials under Article 290 of the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine. At present, these aggregate indicators, which significantly affect the understanding of the timeline of top-level corruption cases, are unfortunately unavailable.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, NABU’s statistics do not publish information on terminated criminal proceedings, including a breakdown showing whether these are cases with identified suspects or cases without suspects. That would make it possible to take a broader view of the pretrial investigation body’s work, including whether criminal proceedings remain pending there for long periods without notices of suspicion being issued.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also worth noting that </span><b>Parliament still has not passed the changes that would strengthen NABU’s work</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and that international auditors have </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/what-legislative-changes-are-needed-to-truly-strengthen-nabu/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">stressed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> are necessary. These include, in particular, abolishing the automatic closure of cases once investigation time limits expire, as well as resolving jurisdiction-related issues. This would allow the NABU and the SAPO to demonstrate an even higher level of effectiveness in investigating cases. In addition, unresolved issues remain with access to wiretapping without SSU involvement, as well as other matters affecting the efficient handling of state secrets and access to independent forensic examination.</span></p>
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<div class="blockquote-block">
<p class="quote">
			            	The data presented in February point to a certain decline in the number of people notified of suspicion in corruption cases in 2025, but overall, they indicate intensified work targeting top officials. 
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Pavlo Demchuk
			            </p>
</p></div>
</p></div>
</p></div>
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<h3><b>The HACC’s effectiveness in court proceedings</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HACC’s annual report shows that its performance in court proceedings improved markedly across key indicators in 2024–2025: from the volume of cases reviewed to the speed of decision-making and the value of confiscated assets.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HACC </span><b>significantly increased the pace at which it completed criminal cases</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. In 2025, the court reviewed 114 cases (concerning 180 individuals), compared with 88 cases involving 137 individuals in 2024.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The </span><b>number of judgments</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> also rose, from 77 in 2024 (including 38 plea-based judgments) to 109 in 2025 (including 72 plea-based judgments). Overall, 154 individuals were convicted last year, substantially more than in 2024, when the figure was 112. We also see a decline in the number of acquittals, from 10 in 2024 to 8 in 2025.</span><b> This, too, shows that most of the cases SAPO sends to court are built on a solid evidentiary foundation.</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, in 2024 the HACC Appeals Chamber sentenced ex-MP </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52020000000000078"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ruslan Solvar</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to three years in prison for unlawfully receiving compensation for housing rent. The HACC sentenced </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52020000000000147"><span style="font-weight: 400;">former SSU investigator</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Serhii Hlivinskyi to nine years in prison for soliciting and accepting a bribe, and </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42023000000001295"><span style="font-weight: 400;">MP</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Andrii Odarchenko also received his sentence—eight years in prison for attempting to bribe the former head of the State Agency for Recovery with bitcoin. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Then, in 2025, the HACC sentenced </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52016000000000235"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ex-MP Dmytro Kriuchkov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in absentia to 15 years in prison for embezzling more than UAH 1.5 billion from the companies Cherkasyoblenergo and Zaporizhzhiaoblenergo; former </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52023000000000096"><span style="font-weight: 400;">head of the State Judicial Administration</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Salnikov to three years for abuse of influence; and, finally, </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52017000000000218"><span style="font-weight: 400;">former head of the State Fiscal Service</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Roman Nasirov received his sentence—six years of imprisonment for abuse of office.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We also see a </span><b>rise in the number of plea-based judgments</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. For example, in 2025, based on plea agreements, the HACC sentenced former head of the Western Economic Court of Appeal </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52017000000000648"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Borys Plotnytskyi</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to eight years of imprisonment, barred him from holding senior civil service positions for three years, and imposed a fine of UAH 85,000. </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52018000000000920"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Former Prosecutor General’s Office prosecutor</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Volodymyr Derhunov was sentenced to one year of actual imprisonment; in addition, he was banned from holding office for three years, and his residential house, together with a KIA Sportage, was confiscated. A plea agreement was also </span><a href="https://hcac.court.gov.ua/hcac/pres-centr/news/1873552/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">concluded</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> with businessman Tyshchenko, a defendant in the case involving the embezzlement of the “Kurchenko oil products.” At the same time, for example, the texts of the judgments in the Plotnytskyi and Tyshchenko cases are sealed, and public communication on these cases does not make it possible to determine what exactly the state received in exchange for mitigating their punishment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">So although the increase in the number of cases reviewed is positive in itself, the growing number of plea-based judgments—especially when access to them is limited—may undermine trust in both the HACC and SAPO. In this regard, it would be advisable to use </span><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4619"><span style="font-weight: 400;">classification only for specific parts</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of a judgment and to improve SAPO’s communication regarding its policies on plea agreements in high-level corruption cases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Despite the increase in the number of cases</span><b>, the</b> <b>HACC managed to improve the efficiency of its use of time in court proceedings</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. While in 2024 one criminal case took an average of 618 days from receipt to final judgment, in 2025 that average fell to 405 days. This may have been aided, among other things, by the introduction of single-judge proceedings, as well as by the increased number of plea-based judgments, since such cases take significantly less time to review.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even so, the number of unresolved proceedings is growing. While there were 287 such proceedings in 2024, involving 749 individuals, in 2025 there were already 327, involving 862 individuals. This shows the need for both legislative and organizational measures aimed at improving the efficiency of criminal case review. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, in the course of </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/project/high-anti-corruption-court-monitoring/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">monitoring HACC cases</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, we recorded instances of abuse and delay, including in the case involving the </span><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/3388"><span style="font-weight: 400;">criminal organization at the District Administrative Court of Kyiv</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">in </span><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4794"><span style="font-weight: 400;">former State Fiscal Service head</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Roman Nasirov’s case within Onyshchenko’s “gas scheme,” and in the case of the so-called </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">“</span><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4799"><span style="font-weight: 400;">king of smuggling</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">,” Vadym Alperin. All of this could be addressed through amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine aimed at countering abuse of procedural rights.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Cassation review of HACC and HACC Appeals Chamber decisions by the Supreme Court also shows positive trends. In 2025, the cassation court reviewed a larger number of appeals filed by parties—164 in total, including 41 reviewed on the merits. By comparison, in 2024 there were 150 such appeals, and only 28 were reviewed on the merits. Overall, </span><b>the number of HACC decisions left unchanged upon review also increased</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">: in 2025, there were 27 such decisions, or 65.9% of those reviewed on the merits, whereas in 2024 there were 16, or 57%.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also encouraging that the </span><b>court’s effectiveness in asset recovery improved in 2025</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Last year, the total value of assets subject to special confiscation exceeded UAH 673 million across 13 proceedings. By comparison, in 2024 this figure stood at UAH 158.8 million in 11 proceedings. Meanwhile, the value of confiscated assets in money laundering cases increased almost tenfold—from UAH 50.6 million in 2024 across 4 judgments to UAH 470.3 million in 2025 across 7 judgments.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even so, the HACC’s and NABU’s reports contain no information on the enforcement of asset confiscation decisions, which means it is impossible to track how much of this money has actually reached the state budget. Still, if provided by other state bodies, this information could be highly illustrative from the standpoint of public communication quality.</span></p>
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			            	We also see a decline in the number of acquittals, from 10 in 2024 to 8 in 2025. This, too, shows that most of the cases SAPO sends to court are built on a solid evidentiary foundation.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The effectiveness of NABU, SAPO, and the HACC is no longer just about the figures in their reports. These are already indicators that stakeholders in Ukraine and abroad look to. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Indeed, the visible uptick in these institutions’ work was the main reason Ukraine’s score in the 2025 </span><a href="https://cpi.ti-ukraine.org/en/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Corruption Perceptions Index</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> improved by 1 point. In that study, the Bertelsmann Foundation gave Ukraine 5 points, primarily taking into account </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">the extent to which officials who abuse their office are held accountable or punished.</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> And the figures above speak directly to that. The Corruption Perceptions Index is an international study that takes into account a whole range of factors affecting the state of anti-corruption efforts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">So the increase in the number of notices of suspicion issued to top officials, indictments, and judgments is a positive trend not only for the work of NABU, SAPO, and the HACC, but for the entire field overall. At the same time, real trust in the anti-corruption system requires more than just bigger numbers. It also requires transparency: publishing more aggregated information, opening up plea-based judgments to the extent possible, and reporting on the actual enforcement of confiscation decisions. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We have no doubt that NABU, SAPO, and the HACC are indeed working, but systemic work also means addressing the shortcomings that still exist. That is what will determine whether quantitative growth in the indicators turns into a qualitative result.</span></p>
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			            	We have no doubt that NABU, SAPO, and the HACC are indeed working, but systemic work also means addressing the shortcomings that still exist. That is what will determine whether quantitative growth in the indicators turns into a qualitative result.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/anti-corruption-that-works-the-results-of-nabu-sapo-and-hacc/">Anti-Corruption That Works: The Results of NABU, SAPO, and HACC</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Four and Five</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-four-and-five/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Mar 2026 15:45:29 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32624</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>This piece collected key points from interviews held March 9–17.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-four-and-five/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Four and Five</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine continues to monitor final interviews in the competition for positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court.</span></p>
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<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Chaikin </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olena Roik </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tetiana Kryklyva </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ivan Kravchenko </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Snizhana Kolesnyk </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olha Pevna </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Zavhorodnii </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Prokhorov </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Leonov </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kateryna Sikora </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Marchuk </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yana Kinakh </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Anton Baida </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Iryna Tokarska </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nataliia Movchan </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vadym Khodko </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Inna Smal </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykhailo Hrabynskyi </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vitalii Kryklyvyi </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Kostiuk </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Denys Kovalenko.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This piece collected key points from interviews held March 9–17.</span></p>
<p>All photos—HQCJ.</p>
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<h2><b>Ihor Chaikin </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Pokrovskyi District Court of Kryvyi Rih</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/CHajkin.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32595" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/CHajkin.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/CHajkin.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/CHajkin-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/CHajkin-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, many questions concerned Chaikin’s use of full access to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions, his assets, and his financial transactions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A PCIE member noted that over the past 10 years, more than 100 full-access searches had been recorded concerning the candidate himself and his close associates. The searches began in 2014–2015 and were conducted regularly. Chaikin said he did these searches while preparing documents to participate in competitions, to check information about himself—such as possible criminal proceedings or court summonses. He also suggested that some searches could have related to a namesake whose cases created interesting practice to analyze. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Chaikin said some searches related to what he described as a provocation in a corruption-related administrative offense case, in connection with which he applied to the High Council of Justice and was recognized as an injured party in criminal proceedings. He also explained searches related to his assistant by pointing to a high-profile publication about her and information requests received by the court. One HQCJ member noted that searches were also conducted using a phone number, which did not fit neatly with this explanation. Chaikin said he checked information after he accidentally saw mention of his own number in materials from a criminal case unrelated to him.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed property issues. A PCIE member asked about the basis on which Chaikin rented an apartment owned by another person. Chaikin said the apartment was in poor condition, so the parties initially agreed he would live there while covering operating costs and improving the property; a lease agreement was signed later. He said the apartment’s owner is a colleague of his wife, which facilitated that arrangement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also pointed to a period in which the candidate’s savings decreased significantly. Chaikin explained this by the costs of supporting his child, who was abroad with grandparents after the start of the full-scale invasion. A PCIE member noted that some transfers were made over a short period in amounts below the declaration threshold and asked whether this was done to avoid declaration. Chaikin denied this and emphasized that all payments were non-cash transfers from his salary card and that his income was declared and taxed.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Olena Roik </b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Royik.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32589" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Royik.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Royik.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Royik-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Royik-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of the interview, Roik said her decision to apply for a HACC judgeship was spontaneous and arose in March 2021. She described her experience as sufficient, citing seven years of legal practice, including work directly at the HACC since 2023.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission raised questions about Roik’s purchase of cryptocurrency. In 2019, she bought two bitcoins for cash in U.S. dollars through a crypto exchange, and in September 2021, she sold them for $155,000. She said she could not document the purchase because she lost access to her email. Tax issues were also raised: Roik did not report the transaction to the tax authorities, explaining this by the start of the war and legal uncertainty. She said she would pay taxes once the mechanism is clearly defined by law.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Immediately after selling the bitcoins, Roik issued an interest-free loan of $111,600 to a friend, Liudmyla Marchenko. When repayment was delayed, Roik went to court, though the debt was ultimately repaid voluntarily.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most significant doubts concerned her purchase in May 2025 of an Aston Martin for UAH 14 million—seven to eight times her annual salary. Roik said she used all of her savings and borrowed $100,000 from an acquaintance. She explained her choice as a specific way of “saving funds,” citing the lack of security at her home and distrust of banks, and said she therefore decided to invest cash in a vehicle. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission noted that her overall spending (UAH 16 million) was roughly double her total official income over time (UAH 8 million). Roik also disputed the NACP finding of inaccurate information in the amount of UAH 14 million, saying she had been building savings since 2006, received help from her parents, and inherited money from her grandmother.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked about the ethical aspect of purchasing a luxury vehicle one month before a judicial competition, Roik said she is restrained in all aspects of life, is </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“not ashamed”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of her declaration, and is ready to take responsibility. The interview also addressed a 2022 search of her residence in a case involving the father of her child, Mr. Hontarenko, who is accused of organizing gambling. Roik confirmed she is his attorney, but denied that Hontarenko financed any of her assets.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also pointed to Roik’s repeated administrative liability. She referred to five or six instances, while police recorded 19 over two years. In addition, she did not declare her mother’s vehicles (a Mercedes and a Range Rover), which she reportedly used systematically. Police data showed these cars were recorded 24 and 60 times, respectively. Roik explained that she used them infrequently.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the end, the panel discussed the candidate’s practical assignment, where she made critical errors. She found a person guilty of a more serious offense than the one charged and imposed a sanction not provided for by the relevant article. Roik said she was in shock during the exam and admitted that afterward she herself </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“had questions about herself.”</span></i></p>
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<h2><b>Tetiana Kryklyva </b></h2>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyva.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32579" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyva.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyva.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyva-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyva-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the beginning, the sitting HACC judge was asked about her and her husband Vitalii Kryklyvyi’s recent purchase of a residential house in the village of Danylivtsi near Kyiv for UAH 4 million. Kryklyva said they decided to buy the house because after the start of the full-scale invasion they were looking for a safer place to live than their apartment in Kyiv.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to the candidate, part of the funds came as a loan from her husband’s cousin, who earns income from leasing commercial real estate. The loans were interest-free, she said, because the family has close relations. She also said she received part of the funds from her parents, who sold an apartment in Poltava. Half of the purchase price was covered by a mortgage loan. Kryklyva added that her husband used judicial remuneration that he received in 2025 after winning a case against HACC to repay the debt to his cousin; the family is now paying only the mortgage.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Many questions concerned a high-profile situation involving the allocation of official housing—first to her future husband and later to her as well. An HQCJ member proposed discussing the issue in closed session, but Kryklyva said she wanted to address it publicly. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kryklyva explained that she and Kryklyvyi (at that time not yet married) initially both applied for official housing. After he received a four-room apartment for her and her two daughters (four people total), she withdrew her own application. Later, after their relationship deteriorated and they stopped living together, Kryklyvyi declined the official housing. Kryklyva noted that the apartments were selected by the judges themselves and then purchased by the HACC—what she described as an </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“atypical, but generally lawful procedure.”</span></i></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A few months later, Kryklyva applied for official housing on her own, but this time listed herself, her daughter, and her parents as family members (again, four people total). As a result, she received the same apartment her future husband had declined. Kryklyva also said she did not vote on any decisions of HACC’s housing and living conditions commission (of which she was a member) when the issue concerned allocating apartments to her or to Kryklyvyi.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission asked why her parents were included as family members for housing purposes and whether they lived with her. Kryklyva said her parents had been helping care for her young child since 2019, so they either lived with her at times or visited regularly. Summarizing her explanations about the official apartments, Kryklyva said: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“It’s complicated</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (to explain – ed.), </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">but we tried to act with integrity.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked why she, as a HACC judge, used full sealing rather than partial redaction of certain decisions—for example, a plea agreement verdict issued in January 2025. Kryklyva responded that the case was still at the pretrial investigation stage and the person had agreed to testify against other participants. She candidly acknowledged that she had believed such decisions would later be unsealed, like decisions of an investigating judge. Partial redaction is possible, she said, but technically difficult to implement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another block of discussion concerned </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“relations with the defense in a certain case,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> but HQCJ and PCIE addressed that issue in closed session.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Finally, an HQCJ member referenced a case Kryklyva heard as part of a panel chaired by Judge Dubas (also a sitting HACC judge and a candidate for the HACC Appeals Chamber). Two separate opinions were attached to the decision, one authored by Kryklyva. She explained that she and another panel member disagreed with part of Judge Dubas’s reasoning, yet later still found that reasoning reflected in the text of the judgment.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Ivan Kravchenko </b></h2>
<p><b>Professor, Department of Administrative and Information Law, Sumy National Agrarian University </b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kravchenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32577" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kravchenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kravchenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kravchenko-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kravchenko-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a discussion of the candidate’s professional background. Although administrative law has long been his primary field, Kravchenko said that since 2018 he has taken an active interest in criminal justice. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE paid particular attention to his legal practice. Kravchenko said that his work with two law offices was an additional activity and explained the absence of income from client representation by saying he worked exclusively pro bono, assisting a war veteran and representatives of civil society organizations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the asset-related part of the interview, the commission focused on the origin of property and financial support from relatives. Kravchenko said the purchase of an apartment and a car in 2014 was fully funded by his parents, who are dentists. When PCIE noted that there was no income data for his parents before 2013, he said records for the period before 2009 had been destroyed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about his low official income in 2018 (only UAH 75,000 for the year). Kravchenko said that amount was sufficient for his family: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“We lived as we could at the time,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> because his parents covered utility expenses. He also explained foreign travel during that period: a trip to the Czech Republic was covered by a grant program, and vacation in Italy was paid for by his mother-in-law, who works abroad. Kravchenko acknowledged an error in failing to declare his wife’s bank account with UAH 55,000, saying he mistakenly believed the amount was below the declaration threshold.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ focused separately on his use of his parents’ cars (a Honda and a Subaru). Although police documents listed Kravchenko as the owner or as the person who filed reports about vehicle damage in 2020 and 2025, he insisted he used the cars only rarely. He said he identified himself to police as the owner to simplify communication with law enforcement at his father’s request.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed police information suggesting he had allegedly evaded appearing at the Territorial Recruitment Center. Kravchenko said he was surprised and stated that he regularly appeared at the military office (including in November 2025) and has a lawful deferment as a university instructor.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, in his 2018 and 2024 declarations Kravchenko did not list any real estate, explaining that he lived with his parents rent-free. He acknowledged this was a mistake and said he corrected it for 2025.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also questioned how Kravchenko could be listed as a partner and beneficial owner of a law firm while not actually participating in cases or receiving income. Kravchenko said that legal practice was optional for him, and that he is applying to the competition primarily as an academic with limited practical experience. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about his liability under Article 130 of the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses. Kravchenko said a reading of about 0.21‰ resulted from using a medicated spray that contained alcohol. He added that due to limited legal experience at the time, he did not handle communication with police well and did not appeal the court decision. The commission noted that he successfully appealed other decisions in court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding the practical assignment, HQCJ pointed to deficiencies in the reasoning of his draft decision. In particular, in a false declaration case, he did not analyze defense arguments on the temporal application of criminal law. Kravchenko said this was due to nervousness and acknowledged the mistake.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Oleksandr Zavhorodnii</b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Zavgorodnij.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32571" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Zavgorodnij.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Zavgorodnij.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Zavgorodnij-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Zavgorodnij-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most pressing questions from PCIE and HQCJ concerned the candidate’s lack of official income over extended periods (2015–2017 and 2020–2021). Zavhorodnii said that in 2015–2017 he had no income because after relocating from occupied territories he did not work for a long time.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked about court decisions provided by the candidate for that period, as well as registry decisions showing his participation as an attorney, for which there was no evidence of tax payment. Zavhorodnii said he represented clients free of charge to help acquaintances.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for 2020–2021, the candidate said he registered a law office (an “Attorney Bureau”) in 2019, where he works without salary (as stated in the charter), while the legal entity itself—owned by him—receives income. He added that the bureau’s office is nominal: acquaintances allowed him to list the address, but he does not actually work there and does not rent the premises, preferring to work “on the road.”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Zavhorodnii said his family’s real estate remained in occupied territory and that he has no information about its current condition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about his vehicles, including purchase prices and the origin of funds. Zavhorodnii said the cars were bought at auctions in the United States, which kept prices low—$1,000–$2,000 plus customs clearance—while repairs cost another $2,000–$3,000 per vehicle.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed a drunk driving case involving a Daewoo in which the driver’s full name matches the candidate’s. Zavhorodnii denied that it was him, suggesting it was likely a namesake, because the court decision barred that person from driving, and he has never been barred. He also said he effectively sold his Daewoo under a power of attorney, but the buyer remained in occupied territory and never re-registered the vehicle.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE pointed to his parents’ visits to the Russian Federation in 2018–2020. Zavhorodnii said the 2018–2019 trips were to visit an ill grandmother, and that he had no information about border crossings in 2020. Questions were also raised about his wife: a person with the same name and address was listed as a member of a commission for “DNR elections.” Zavhorodnii categorically denied that his wife participated in political life in the occupied territories, noting that the same site previously described a person with that name as a teacher, while his wife has never been a teacher. He suggested the website’s data may have been altered by unknown persons and that his wife has no connection to it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate did not respond to 12 written questions sent by PCIE several weeks before the interview. He explained this by saying he had been drafted into military service and did not have access to devices or the internet during that period.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Olha Pevna </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Troitske District Court, Luhansk Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pevna.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32585" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pevna.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pevna.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pevna-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pevna-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of Olha Pevna’s interview, PCIE asked about how she declared her place of residence. PCIE noted that in 2016–2022 she declared housing in a different locality than where she actually worked. Pevna said she listed only her registered address in her declarations, relying on NACP guidance. She said that during those years she actually lived in various places, including the settlement of Troitske, and changed housing frequently. She also said she did not use any single dwelling for more than 183 consecutive days.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about utility arrears reflected in court decisions concerning an apartment in Pisochyn. Pevna said she has a long-standing dispute with the heat supply company due to poor-quality services. She said she drew up deficiency reports documenting the lack of proper service and requested recalculations, but the company did not adjust the charges and instead accrued a debt. She said the dispute is currently in court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE highlighted another aspect of this dispute: in a claim seeking to overturn a debt collection decision, the candidate stated that she does not live in Pisochyn. Pevna said she did not personally phrase it that way; in her view, the court generalized information she provided about working in Troitske and misinterpreted it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed her financial situation in 2019. PCIE noted that she declared income of about UAH 95,000, had two small children, and still increased her savings by roughly UAH 12,000–13,000. By PCIE’s calculations, this would have left her with about UAH 290 per month to live on. Pevna said that during this period she was on childcare leave for a child born in 2018. She said she lived at her registered address, did not commute to work, and that the children’s father covered a significant portion of expenses—buying clothes and shoes and paying for certain services and entertainment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that such assistance could be treated as income in the form of a gift that should be declared. Pevna responded that these were voluntary expenditures by the father to support the children, not court-ordered child support. In her opinion, the law requires the declaration of alimony awarded by a court, not voluntary support.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked about the deadline for filing her 2019 declaration. Asked for the final deadline, Pevna said it was May 31. HQCJ members noted that declarations are typically due by April 1, and that she first logged into the electronic declarant’s account only on May 25. Pevna said she had a small child and expected to be able to file within an extended deadline.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also questioned her relationship with her ex-husband. The commission noted that after the marriage was dissolved in 2015, the couple had another child in 2020, her ex-husband used her car, and they traveled abroad together. In HQCJ’s view, this could indicate ongoing shared property relations that were not reflected in her declarations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pevna said their contact is primarily related to co-parenting. She said her ex-husband sometimes used the car when he stayed with the children, but only for short periods, and she did not believe such use had to be declared. She added that their financial relations are complicated and that communication is mostly about the children.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed information in her declarations showing cash assets equal to the amount of a vehicle purchase transaction. Pevna said that in 2022 she took advantage of an opportunity to import a vehicle from abroad with zero customs duty. She bought the vehicle at a car market in Prague, but later it developed technical issues. According to Pevna, repairs turned out to be too expensive, so she terminated the purchase contract and the Czech company refunded the money.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">She said she sought guidance from NACP on how to properly reflect these transactions in her declaration. According to her, she was advised to keep declaring the car for as long as it remained formally registered in her name. HQCJ noted, however, that in her 2023 declaration she listed cash assets as funds held by the Czech company, even though the money had in fact already been returned. Pevna said that was how she understood NACP’s explanation, but agreed it may have been a mistake.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about a criminal case involving a traffic accident with her ex-husband. She said it involved a collision with pedestrians that caused severe injuries, but no deaths. She could not recall the details of the injured parties’ claims.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also referenced a submission suggesting the divorce may have been connected to an attempt to avoid possible confiscation of property in that case. Pevna denied this and said she had already provided written explanations. She added that the case against her ex-husband is still pending, so it is premature to speak about possible confiscation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Toward the end, HQCJ also raised questions about her judicial practice. In particular, members said they could not find any verdicts issued by her in the register. Pevna said verdicts existed in her practice, but she could not explain why they were not in the register. During discussion of the first practical task, she also acknowledged an error and said she completed the task while running a fever.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Oleksandr Prokhorov </b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Prohorov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32587" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Prohorov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Prohorov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Prohorov-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Prohorov-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Motivation was the first topic the panel raised, because before the HACC competition the candidate had repeatedly applied for other selections, including local courts, appellate courts, the State Bureau of Investigation, the NABU, and the SAPO. Experts sought specificity and, after discussion, summarized that his motivation to become a HACC judge relates to the court’s specialization and the social importance of its work. Prokhorov rejected the idea that participating in many competitions shows a lack of persistence, saying it instead demonstrates determination.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The greatest number of questions concerned the candidate’s integrity, because in 2016–2018 he declared income below the subsistence minimum for those years. For example, he declared income of about UAH 2,000 per month for 2016 and UAH 6,000 per month for 2017. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Despite lengthy discussion, Prokhorov insisted those amounts were accurate, but he could not clearly explain how it would have been possible to live in Kryvyi Rih on that income. Experts openly questioned whether he failed to declare income or whether he in fact lacked sufficient professional experience for HACC, noting that an attorney handling such matters would be expected to earn more. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Prokhorov said that after registering his Attorney Bureau, funds flowed through the entity and were then returned to him as dividends, while the declared amounts were indeed what he reported. He said that until 2017 he lived with his parents, and in 2017–2018 he lived rent-free in housing owned by his parents’ friends; he said there was enough money for food.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, the candidate acknowledged errors in the declared value of a vehicle and of a land plot with a house, and said he would correct them.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate is subject to military service and was found fit for service in support units. It also emerged that in August 2025 the Kryvyi Rih police were searching for him for alleged violations of mobilization legislation. Prokhorov said he learned about this only recently and that he had previously visited police departments without any complaints. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this context, the panel asked about his PhD studies, which he began in 2025 at Kryvyi Rih National University in management. He said his motivation to pursue an academic degree was largely that one of his clients—an associate professor at that university—suggested he apply for admission. He said he was unable to enroll in 2024 due to high demand, but in 2025 the situation changed: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“There wasn’t that rush anymore, so they were looking for people and encouraging participation—he suggested I apply.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked why he had not shown academic interest earlier (for example, in 2019–2020), he said simply that he did not have such an interest at the time.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel decided to test his knowledge of the subjects he studies. An HQCJ member asked whether he could recall anything from a course titled “Organization and Implementation of a PhD Candidate’s Research,” and his response was: “Poorly…”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It also became clear that he is studying in a full-time format officially described as </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“with a break from work.” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">That would mean he could not work while studying, yet during the interview Prokhorov acknowledged frequent conflicts between classes and court hearings and said he did not attend some classes.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Snizhana Kolesnyk </b></h2>
<p><b>Retired Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kolesnyk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32575" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kolesnyk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kolesnyk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kolesnyk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kolesnyk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with questions about Kolesnyk’s earlier resignation from the bench. PCIE members asked whether there was a risk that, if appointed to HACC, she might decide to leave again. Kolesnyk said she plans to work and noted that she still has time before reaching the mandatory retirement age of 65.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked how she maintained her professional knowledge after retirement. Kolesnyk said she reads legal literature and follows legislative changes. She added that she often discusses legal issues with her husband, who works in the prosecution service. She also said she follows case law, including decisions of HACC and the Supreme Court, although she was unable to cite a recent example of case law in corruption-related criminal cases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In her motivation letter, the candidate wrote that she is ready to issue decisions that may be unpopular with political elites. Asked about relevant experience, she said she had not handled corruption cases, but recalled a case from the Maidan period. She said she selected an interim measure for a protest participant—whom she described as an opposition leader—and ordered house arrest rather than detention. According to her, the case was covered in the news at the time. She said the decision was appealed, but the appellate court upheld it, and the proceedings were later closed for lack of an offense.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about Kolesnyk’s trip to the Russian Federation in 2019. She said her seriously ill aunt lives there—her only close relative after her parents’ deaths. Kolesnyk said she spent about four and a half days there to visit the relative and provide financial assistance. PCIE noted that her husband’s parents also visited Russia in 2018–2019, but this was not reflected in her family ties declaration. Kolesnyk said that when completing the declaration she relied on the Family Code and considered only her husband and children to be “close persons.”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about her husband’s prosecutor’s pension, which he began receiving in 2022. Kolesnyk said it was a length-of-service pension after more than 25 years of service and was not related to disability.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed errors in the candidate’s declarations. According to PCIE members, about eight inaccuracies were found across her integrity declaration, family ties declaration, and asset declarations—including items related to administrative liability, professional experience, property, her husband’s loan, and membership in professional organizations. Kolesnyk said she completed the documents in Zaporizhzhia under difficult security conditions, with electricity and internet outages and constant shelling. She said she rushed to submit the documents and may have made mistakes.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also pointed to information about a house in Zaporizhzhia owned by her husband. According to the state register, the house is situated on a land plot, but the declarations did not include information about the land. Kolesnyk said they purchased only the house and that the land plot lies near high-voltage power lines and cannot be sold or leased. She said the previous owners built the house in the 1990s, but there were no ownership rights or land agreements for the plot.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about the house’s value: her 2015–2020 declarations listed UAH 59,000, while declarations starting in 2022 listed UAH 225,000. Kolesnyk said the house was purchased under the contract for about $45,000, but she had not prepared a detailed explanation for the change in figures.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked about discrepancies in the value of a vehicle in her declaration versus the state register: the register listed UAH 30,000, while her declaration listed UAH 300,000. Kolesnyk said they found the car through a sales website and, after agreeing with the seller, paid about UAH 300,000. She said the paperwork was rushed due to an air raid alert and was processed through a commission shop, while registration was handled by the previous owner—circumstances that, in her view, could have led to an error in the documentation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also asked about a land plot for which, in 2015, a citizen named Bilyi issued a power of attorney in favor of the candidate and her brother. Kolesnyk said the family used the plot to grow vegetables. She said a purchase agreement was later executed, and that her nephew, acting under a power of attorney, handled the paperwork on behalf of the owner.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also noted that after retirement she did not, in practice, engage in legal work or attend professional training. Kolesnyk said she continued to study legislation on her own and believes she could catch up on practical skills if appointed.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Oleksandr Leonov </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Khadzhybeiskyi District Court of Odesa</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Leonov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32581" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Leonov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Leonov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Leonov-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Leonov-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Leonov said he is ready to work at HACC based on 14 years of judicial experience, compliance with the law, and respect for citizens’ rights. He said he has already handled about 80 corruption-related cases and serves as an investigating judge. He also said he follows HACC case law and pointed in particular to recent changes in procedures for plea agreements.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview discussed Leonov’s use of full access to the court decisions register. He said there had been unauthorized access to his profile, through which unknown persons made about 1,000 queries; this triggered an internal review and a report to law enforcement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Leonov acknowledged that he personally searched the register for information about relatives. He said he checked records related to his wife and mother to avoid conflicts of interest, and reviewed a case involving his brother (Article 368 of the Criminal Code; closed) to determine whether it could be pressure on him. He denied searching for two other third parties, saying he does not know them.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Leonov confirmed that he prepared responses to PCIE’s requests himself, but used Google Gemini to run calculations. When the commission raised concerns about inconsistencies in his explanations and about the permissibility of AI under the Code of Judicial Ethics, Leonov said the law does not prohibit it. He emphasized that he uses AI to check spelling and numbers.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding an unfinished apartment in Odesa (valued at $81,000), the candidate said he made an initial 10% down payment and paid an additional roughly $42,000 over 2019–2022 (30 payments). He denied PCIE information suggesting he had paid the full price.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed a family residential complex. The house is registered in his mother’s name, although he said it was built with his brother’s funds and the joint labor of the whole family over five years. Leonov said his own financial contribution was about $5,000–$6,000 (including wiring costs). He said the property was registered to his mother because she contributed proceeds from the sale of inherited property toward the land plot and foundation, and the sons then helped finish the construction.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about a Kia Sportage and another apartment that Leonov’s brother purchased and registered in the mother’s name. Leonov said his brother lives abroad, and that in 2021 the brother gave him the car as compensation for caring for their parents.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission examined inconsistencies regarding the income of Leonov’s wife, who is an attorney. Leonov said she earns very little and that he pays her professional dues. HQCJ noted, however, that a credit agreement listed her income as UAH 30,000 per month, and that her 2020 declaration reflected UAH 58,000 received from Leonov’s mother for court representation. The interview also discussed the birth of their child in Canada in 2023. Leonov said medical insurance was covered through a Canadian government support program, housing was provided by his brother, and Leonov covered only airfare.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ reminded the candidate about a 2018 disciplinary sanction for failing to notify a claimant of a hearing; Leonov said it was a lesson and that he drew conclusions from it. The interview also covered a 2022 separate ruling noting his failure to consider a motion to stay proceedings; Leonov said he acted to prevent abuse of process. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about the brother’s resale of vehicles—four cars imported from Korea were sold within a month. Leonov denied personally using the cars, saying his brother, a sailor, handled them and their father repaired them. Despite earlier explanations about using those vehicles, during the interview Leonov insisted he had no connection to them and said the cars were over 10 years old.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Kateryna Sikora </b></h2>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Sikora.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32591" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Sikora.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Sikora.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Sikora-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Sikora-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE’s main questions concerned Sikora’s 2020 declaration. In it, she listed her husband’s assets but did not report their value.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Sikora said some of the property had been acquired by her former husband before their marriage, while other assets were purchased by him independently. She said she was not present when the transactions were executed and only provided spousal consent for the purchases. Sikora emphasized that she and her husband were financially independent. After their relationship deteriorated, he refused to provide documents, and she said notaries allegedly refused to provide documents showing the purchase prices because she was not a party to the transactions. Following an audit of her declaration, NACP initiated proceedings for false asset declarations; the case was later closed for lack of an offense. Sikora said her husband provided information about the asset values only after the case was opened.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about the candidate’s divorce, noting that the court decision stated the child remained living with the father in Dnipro. HQCJ members asked whether the divorce might have been a way for the husband to obtain a deferment from mobilization (as a parent raising a child). Sikora denied this, saying they raise the child together and that her ex-husband therefore has no grounds for a deferment as a person single-handedly raising a child.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Sikora has a number of speeding tickets, most of them issued in 2022. She explained this by frequent travel between Kyiv and Dnipro at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, when road signs were sometimes covered with film or otherwise obscured due to martial law. She also mentioned air raid alerts while she was on the road and her desire to reach a safer location more quickly. Sikora said she drives very cautiously in cities and exceeded the speed limit only on open stretches of road, adding that in recent times she has had almost no such tickets. </span></p>
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<h2><b>Oleh Marchuk </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Vasylkiv City-District Court, Kyiv Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Marchuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32583" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Marchuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Marchuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Marchuk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Marchuk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of the interview, Marchuk said that as a first-instance judge he had relatively few cases involving corruption offenses, but believes he has sufficient knowledge in criminal law.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE raised issues related to where he lived during the period he worked at the court. In declarations over several years, Marchuk said he lived on Kyiv’s Left Bank, even though he worked in Vasylkiv and at that time did not have a car. He said he traveled roughly 45 kilometers to work each day, spending between an hour and a half and nearly two hours commuting. He said he mostly used public transportation or rode with colleagues.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also pointed to inconsistencies in residence information across different questionnaires. His 2018 documents indicated residence in Kyiv, while his 2024 questionnaire listed Vasylkiv. Marchuk said he lived in Vasylkiv only briefly, but because he had no written lease agreement, declaring the housing was difficult. He suggested the discrepancy could be due to an error in identifying the relevant period of residence.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate question concerned social benefits his wife received in Vasylkiv after the children were born. Marchuk said he believed the benefits were processed in Kyiv and associated the Vasylkiv reference with the possibility that his wife may have obtained internally displaced person status there in 2015.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also raised the large number of Article 130 administrative cases (driving under the influence) that were closed due to expiration of the time limit for imposing a penalty. Marchuk said he had 118 such cases, and another 24 were closed for lack of an offense. He explained that the main reason was difficulty properly notifying defendants: addresses or phone numbers were sometimes fictitious, and summonses were returned to the court. He also said some defendants and their attorneys deliberately delayed proceedings. He noted that in one year his caseload included roughly 200 cases under this article.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also noted that after August 2013, Marchuk continued for some time to issue court decisions in Russian despite legislative changes. Marchuk acknowledged that saying he did not know about the changes is not very persuasive for a judge. He said he relied on court staff to inform him about legislative updates, but once he learned of the new rules, he began issuing decisions in Ukrainian.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed financial questions, including a loan from OTP Bank of about UAH 100,000 that Marchuk took out in 2014. He said it was needed to organize a wedding. According to him, part of the debt was repaid from current income and savings, and the remainder was paid off after the wedding using cash gifts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about his wife’s activity on Instagram, where she presents herself as a nutrition specialist. Marchuk said she was only testing the possibility of such work and has not yet provided paid consultations. He said most reviews on the page were left by friends or relatives whom she helped for free. He added that if she begins providing paid services, she plans to register as an individual entrepreneur.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also noted the candidate’s large number of traffic-related administrative offenses. Marchuk said there were more than 20 incidents; he acknowledges about 15 as his own, while some may have been committed by his wife, who also used the car.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked about an episode in which, in a court order, Marchuk stated that another judge—Kravchenko—was abusing the right to seek recusal. Marchuk acknowledged that this assessment was too harsh and effectively exceeded his authority, because determining disciplinary violations by judges is the competence of judicial governance bodies. He said he later apologized to the colleague.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also noted instances where Marchuk recused himself from cases due to parties’ negative attitudes or criticism of his actions. He acknowledged that, from today’s perspective, his reaction was overly emotional and not always justified. He said that with experience he has learned to respond differently.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also referenced a defamation case Marchuk filed over a social media comment stating, “A corrupt person reinstated a corrupt person.” He said he chose to respond legally at the time, but now sees it more as a lesson and said he does not plan to sue over similar comments in the future.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the end, the commission pointed to inaccuracies in his explanations about certain cases, including the length of time a case was considered by one judge and what happened to the proceedings afterward. Marchuk said he may have mixed up the cases and apologized for any error in his explanations.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Yana Kinakh</b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kinah.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32573" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kinah.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kinah.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kinah-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kinah-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of the interview, Kinakh said she has been in private legal practice for 16 years and that roughly half of her cases involved criminal law. She also said she has worked on matters connected to NABU, SAPO, and HACC, including representing individuals who served as witnesses in HACC proceedings. She added that in courts of general jurisdiction she also handled cases involving corruption-related offenses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE drew attention to the large number of administrative penalties for traffic violations. According to PCIE, 18 such violations were recorded over two years. Kinakh said not all of them were committed by her personally because her husband also used two cars; in her estimate, about half of the violations could have been hers. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate set of questions concerned an Audi Q5 connected to multiple violations in 2024–2025. Kinakh said she sold the vehicle in November 2023, but the new owner continued using it for about a month and a half under a power of attorney while the re-registration process was underway. She said this could explain why fines continued to come in her name. She also said she often paid the fines even when she was not sure she had been the driver, in order not to burden the court system.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that she did not list the vehicle in her 2023 declaration. Kinakh said that when she completed that declaration, she no longer considered herself the owner, but later corrected the information in her 2024 declaration.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The central issue was her savings. In 2023, the candidate declared $40,000 in cash, and the following year $60,000—an increase of $20,000—while her official income for 2023 was about $8,000. Kinakh said the increase was due to money left after her father’s death in 2024. She described it as family cash savings that were not formally part of the estate and therefore were not declared as an inheritance.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about the origin of those funds. Kinakh said her father worked for many years in the internal affairs bodies and had a relatively high salary and pension, which allowed the family to save the money.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about a case in which the injured party was her former husband. During that case, information emerged about his possible involvement in cigarette smuggling to Europe. Kinakh said she was unaware of such activity at the time and could neither confirm nor refute it because there are no court decisions establishing those facts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Kinakh’s travel abroad. She confirmed that she left Ukraine in November 2024 and said she often travels for professional purposes. She described one trip in particular: she traveled in a car belonging to the mayor of Irpin as part of a group of lawyers visiting Ireland to study its legal system.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about her right to reside in Canada. Kinakh said she used that status after the start of the full-scale war but has no intention of living abroad permanently.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the financial discussion, the commission noted a discrepancy between her reported income and her savings based on tax authority data. Kinakh said part of the funds she saved could also have come from work on election commissions, prosecutors’ attestation commissions, as well as mediation work and grant-funded activities—although this information was not reflected in the tax data.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also mentioned two enforcement proceedings against her related to improper parking fines. Kinakh said she has already paid those fines.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Toward the end, HQCJ returned to the origin of the $20,000 she linked to her father’s savings, noting that the funds were not included in the estate and had no documentary confirmation. Kinakh said her mother handled the inheritance process, while she and her brother waived their inheritance rights. She said that when she filed the declaration, no decision had been made on whether to include these funds as inherited property, but she stated that she intends to correct the situation in the future. </span></p>
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<h2><b>Anton Baida </b></h2>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bajda.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32569" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bajda.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bajda.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bajda-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bajda-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE’s main concern was the candidate’s approach to completing his declaration. He did not list his mother’s income or savings, saying this was for ethical reasons.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Baida said he did not feel he had the moral right to ask his mother how much money she had when she fled occupation or to inquire about her income generally. He cited her poor health and difficult emotional condition. The commission noted that such an approach calls into question the principle of transparency in declarations and asked how, as a judge, he would handle cases involving declarations. He answered that he would act in accordance with the current law.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned BMW 135. In 2020, Baida was involved in an accident while “test-driving” the vehicle (after which, he said, he changed his mind about buying it). In 2022, police stopped him in the same car, and it turned out the documents did not match the vehicle. Baida said these were isolated episodes and claimed that in 2022 he was again considering purchasing the car because he was offered a below-market price ($9,000) and even paid a $4,000 deposit. The commission expressed skepticism that two incidents two years apart involving the same car looked like mere coincidence.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There were also questions about his mother’s purchase of a BMW X5. She bought the car without having a driver’s license. Baida confirmed she had never had a license, said he drove the car, and stated that he disclosed this in his declaration.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked about the source of funds for his mother’s purchase of real estate in 2018. Baida said the property, costing more than UAH 1.5 million, was funded by an aunt who wanted to protect assets from division during her divorce.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Baida said he gifted his apartment in Berdiansk to his mother during his own divorce. He said he did so at his mother’s request so that his wife would not claim it after the divorce, because he had inherited the apartment from his grandmother.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about where he lived starting in 2022 and about his receipt of IDP payments in Poltava that continued through 2023 and 2024. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Despite holding an attorney license, Baida said he handled almost all cases free of charge for acquaintances, explaining that he wanted to test his theoretical knowledge in practice. He also said he did not have funds for mandatory continuing legal education.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Iryna Tokarska </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Manevychi District Court, Volyn Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Tokarska.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32593" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Tokarska.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Tokarska.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Tokarska-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Tokarska-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of the interview, Tokarska said she has served as a judge since 2002, handles corruption-related cases, and follows HACC practice through livestreamed hearings to more effectively prevent procedural abuse. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Explaining the absence of real estate in her 2012–2015 declarations, Tokarska said she rented housing under an oral agreement. She said she initially paid rent, and later only covered utility costs and repairs.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about the value of three vehicles whose prices she did not report. She said the first car was a gift from her parents and she did not ask its price, while her husband handled the second car’s purchase entirely. The interview also addressed a BMW with Lithuanian registration that her husband used under a power of attorney starting in 2018. Tokarska said they argued repeatedly about the foreign registration and that she stopped declaring the car in 2022 because her husband died.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2024, the candidate’s daughter acquired an apartment in Lutsk for $42,000 (UAH 1.6 million). PCIE noted that listings showed a price $6,000 higher. Tokarska said the difference was due to the absence of a realtor commission (they reached the owners directly) and the apartment’s condition, which required repairs. She said the main source of funding was payments her daughter received after her father’s death.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tokarska said she currently lives with her daughter. She clarified that since June 2025 her daughter has been studying in Lutsk and stays in the school’s boarding facility Monday through Friday. No one is yet living in the new apartment because renovations are ongoing. HQCJ pointed to a discrepancy in the daughter’s income: UAH 1.8 million in the declaration versus UAH 1.6 million in tax data. Tokarska said this was because there were two different accounts (a pension and special survivor payments), as well as additional compensation payments for electricity, which she said is confirmed by certificates.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE and HQCJ devoted the most attention to a Public Integrity Council conclusion finding the candidate lacked integrity, based on her handling of Article 130 DUI cases that she frequently closed due to expiration of time limits. The panel also referenced media publications accusing her of mass-closure of such cases. Tokarska said she had established communication with the media, but PCIE noted journalists themselves dispute that claim. Tokarska insisted that even after the Public Integrity Council conclusion, the closures (about 25 decisions) were justified because many of the defendants were servicemembers who were difficult to summon to hearings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Separate questions concerned about 90 cases in which Tokarska imposed a fine but did not revoke driving licenses. She said that if a person does not have a driver’s license, there is nothing to revoke, though she later acknowledged that she changed her practice after 2023. In one case, she imposed a second fine for repeat drunk driving on a motorbike without revoking the right to drive. She explained this by saying the motorbike could have belonged to someone else, or the person could have saved up for it for a lifetime.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the doctrine of “minor significance,” Tokarska said she is categorically opposed to applying it in administrative corruption-related cases, but HQCJ identified four such instances in her practice (in declaration-related cases). Tokarska could not explain them. In addition, she closed a case involving a servicemember who was intoxicated, explaining that he had returned from Bakhmut and that it was simply a moment of weakness.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Nataliia Movchan </b></h2>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Movchan.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32619" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Movchan.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Movchan.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Movchan-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Movchan-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with questions about an investigation by Slidstvo.Info alleging that Movchan drafted decision templates for a fellow judge. Movchan categorically denied this, saying file metadata that lists her as the author can be easily falsified. She described the situation as an attempt to discredit her to remove her from a case and said she reported interference to the High Council of Justice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A significant part of the interview focused on trips by the candidate’s close relatives to Russia after 2015. PCIE pointed to an inconsistency in her integrity declaration, where Movchan stated that she was not aware of family members visiting Russia.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Movchan explained this as a formal application of the law: her adult son, parents, and brother do not live with her, so they are not “family members” under the relevant NACP guidance, and she therefore did not believe she needed to report their travel. She described the trips as purely family-related, saying she and her relatives visited her nephew and his wife, who—after becoming pregnant—moved closer to her own parents in Russia.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also noted that Movchan issued decisions on days when she was officially attending training, and even during periods of sick leave or vacation. Movchan said that on a training day, as an investigating judge, she could review a motion to seize assets very quickly (in about 15 minutes), even after 5:00 p.m. As for sick leave, she said she could still be at work and then arrange the medical documentation after the workday ended.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about an episode in which a panel that included Movchan denied a defense attorney access to case materials on the grounds that another attorney from the same law office already had access. The defense then sought her recusal, which was granted. Movchan declined to evaluate her colleagues’ decision to grant the recusal.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Mykhailo Hrabynskyi </b></h2>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Ivan Franko National University of Lviv</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Grabynskyj.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32611" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Grabynskyj.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Grabynskyj.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Grabynskyj-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Grabynskyj-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE’s main questions concerned why the candidate, while serving as the in-house head of the legal department of a state-owned enterprise, also entered into agreements with the same enterprise as outside counsel and whether he saw this as a conflict of interest. Hrabynskyi said the enterprise’s charter allowed representation in court only by the enterprise head, and that the authority of an in-house counsel was insufficient. To address this, the enterprise entered into a separate agreement to hire its own employee who is also an attorney to represent it in court. Hrabynskyi said he took unpaid leave in order to appear in hearings as an attorney. He denied any conflict of interest, even though, in practice, he oversaw the enterprise’s legal work both as an in-house manager and as outside counsel.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE members expressed surprise at what they described as the candidate’s ascetic lifestyle from 2015 to 2020. His reported spending totaled about UAH 65,000 over five years (roughly UAH 1,000 per month). He said his parents fully supported him and that he devoted his time to studying and writing his dissertation. Even after receiving an apartment as a gift from his father in 2018, he said he spent only UAH 1,000 on it over several years.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2020, the candidate declared 57 bank accounts. He explained this by saying he used many banks and opened numerous virtual cards for different purposes.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">He also reported savings of more than UAH 500,000 by December 2020—more than his total official earnings over that period. He said the difference came from gifts from his parents and money from the sale of his grandmother’s car.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Inna Smal </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Sosnytsia District Court, Chernihiv Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Smal.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32621" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Smal.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Smal.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Smal-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Smal-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Explaining her motivation to participate in the competition, Smal said she has 24 years of judicial experience and has been eligible for retirement for about eight years, but decided to continue her professional work. She considers work at HACC as an opportunity for further professional development.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Smal said that as a judge in a court of general jurisdiction she has handled various categories of cases, including corruption-related matters—specifically under Articles 191, 368, and 369 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. Some of these proceedings are substantial in scope; one case she is currently hearing reportedly includes about 25 volumes of materials.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned her extended tenure as court chair—from 2007 to 2020. PCIE members noted this meant 13 consecutive years in an administrative position. Smal explained that she was initially appointed by a decision of the Council of Judges and later re-elected multiple times under legislation that changed repeatedly. She also noted that for a period she was the only judge at the Sosnytsia District Court. When junior colleagues appeared, they did not want to nominate their candidacies for the post of court chair for a long time.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">After her term as chair ended, a dispute arose over office space, prompting her to file a complaint with the High Council of Justice. Smal said that after a new chair was elected, the judges’ assembly assigned her a new office that was already used by the head of the court administration and a court consultant. She said she asked colleagues to reconsider because other offices were available. At the same time, she said she does not consider it appropriate to comment in detail on the new chair’s actions, because the conflict has since been resolved and working relations have improved.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Article 130 administrative cases (driving under the influence). Smal said that over her career she had 403 such cases, of which 16 were closed due to expiration of the limitation period. She said she tried to take all possible steps to ensure proper notification of defendants—sometimes returning police reports for correction to clarify addresses—and scheduled hearings without significant delay. She said she was guided by European Convention on Human Rights standards on proper notice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about her academic work. Smal said she worked on her dissertation from 2020 to 2025 while continuing her judicial duties. She said she wanted new professional challenges, chose a complex research topic, and spent five years completing it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ members positively assessed her research, noting that she analyzed case law, including about 120 of her own decisions, and relied on the results of an electronic survey of legal professionals, which she organized by sending requests to courts and other institutions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some questions concerned her personal declarations. PCIE noted that in her 2012 declaration she listed her ex husband as her husband, even though the marriage was officially dissolved in 2004. Smal said that after the divorce, they continued living together for a time and maintained a de facto marital relationship, and that the divorce certificate was obtained only in 2013.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the part of the interview with HQCJ, Smal explained her participation in various selections within the justice sector. In 2021, she applied to a competition for SAPO. She said that at the time she expected the HACC competition would take place sooner, and she treated the SAPO competition as preparation for the HACC selection.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also noted that her declarations do not show any major asset purchases. Smal explained that she has not made any major acquisitions in recent years. Smal added that the decline in her savings was driven by expenses for a treatment-and-recovery trip for her son to Cyprus in 2024, as well as by early repayment of a car loan during a preferential repayment period.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Vadym Khodko </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Kamianske District Court, Zaporizhzhia Region </b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hodko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32623" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hodko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hodko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hodko-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hodko-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of the interview, PCIE noted that Khodko submitted essentially the same motivation for both an appellate court competition and the HACC competition. Khodko said he wants to work at HACC because he aims to focus on complex categories of cases and is drawn to the institution’s mission. He added that criminal cases make up about half of his current workload, including corruption offenses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that while living in Zaporizhzhia, Khodko worked 150 km away in Kuibyshevskyi District. He said he traveled either in his own car or with colleagues, and sometimes stayed overnight at his parents’ home—something he said did not need to be reflected in reporting under the rules in force at the time. The interview also addressed an apartment where his wife has been registered since 2008 but which he reported only in 2024; Khodko said this was in response to changes in NACP guidance.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also raised questions about IDP payments that the candidate’s wife received in 2023–2024. PCIE members asked how she could receive assistance while, in practice, living with her husband in Zaporizhzhia since 2014. Khodko insisted the payments were lawful because his wife remained registered in occupied territory in Donetsk Region, which he said met the requirements of a Cabinet of Ministers resolution. He stressed that state bodies conducted checks and found no violations, although she no longer receives these payments. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE drew attention to a sharp increase in the candidate’s assets: in 2017 he declared no savings, but in 2018 more than UAH 230,000 appeared in his bank accounts. Given an annual salary slightly above UAH 300,000, the panel asked how the family covered everyday expenses. Khodko said that under the law, amounts below 50 subsistence minimums were not subject to mandatory declaration, so he had not reported them earlier. He said that over 2018 he managed to save an additional roughly UAH 75,000.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed large sums received by the candidate’s stepson. In 2022, the stepson declared UAH 76,098 received from Dmytro Slupov; Khodko said this was a transfer from the child’s grandmother (his mother-in-law), sent through her friend because she could not transfer the funds directly for technical reasons. In 2023, the boy received another UAH 189,000 from five different people. Khodko said these were gifts from godparents who are relatives and are in no way connected to employees of the court where he serves.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about trips by the wife’s relatives to the temporarily occupied territory and possible contacts with the occupation authorities. Khodko said that in 2021, his wife had to travel there to retrieve a child who had stayed with the grandmother for the summer and could not return due to COVID-related restrictions. He said there was no cooperation with Russian authorities and that the relatives are simply trying to survive under those conditions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also referenced information from civil society organizations suggesting the candidate’s father-in-law holds a Russian passport. Khodko said he does not have close contact with his wife’s parents and has lost contact with them entirely since 2022, so he cannot confirm that fact. He added that his father-in-law is elderly and that people in temporarily occupied territories are often pressured to obtain passports.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the end of the interview, the commission discussed the candidate’s motivation letter, which opened with a quote from philosopher Wilhelm von Humboldt. Asked who Humboldt was, Khodko was unable to give a substantive answer, saying he simply liked the quote about finding one’s own path.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Vitalii Kryklyvyi </b></h2>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyvyj.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32617" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyvyj.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyvyj.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyvyj-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kryklyvyj-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about the circumstances under which the candidate received official housing. In 2019, he and his wife who at the time chaired HACC’s housing commission submitted an application. According to Kryklyvyi, his wife filed a statement declining separate allocation of housing because they were living together as one family. As a result, one apartment was allocated for four people. In 2020, their relationship deteriorated and they lived separately for a time; the candidate filed a statement renouncing the right to use the allocated housing, after which his wife remained in the apartment. Later, their relationship improved and they resumed living together. Kryklyvyi acknowledged the situation may appear questionable but said it was driven by personal circumstances. Asked about his wife’s role in the allocation process, he said she did not participate in the decision-making.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed a case in which the 72-hour deadline for reviewing a complaint against a notice of suspicion was missed. Kryklyvyi attributed this to parties’ nonappearance, adjournment motions, and late receipt of case materials. He acknowledged the deadline was breached but said, in his opinion, it did not result in a violation of the suspect’s rights.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about loans the candidate and his family received from a relative. Kryklyvyi said the lender is his cousin, who runs a real estate business. He said they are close relatives but have no joint business activity.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate focus was the candidate’s long tenure as chair of the Komsomolsk (now Horishni Plavni) City Court in Poltava Region—about 13 years. PCIE asked how this aligned with the two-consecutive-term limitation. Kryklyvyi said that in different periods appointments were made by different actors (the President, the Council of Judges, and judges’ assemblies), and that other judges were not willing to take the position. Responding to concerns about concentration of informal influence, he said risks can be reduced through proper court management.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also covered his rental of an apartment in Horishni Plavni from a person whose case he had considered about seven years earlier. Kryklyvyi said he did not remember that connection due to a heavy caseload, and that the apartment was found through a realtor and rented on a paid basis. As for the earlier case, he said he did not manage to complete it within the statutory period due to time constraints and the need to ensure the person’s participation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about his trips to the Russian Federation in 2015–2016. Kryklyvyi said there was no prohibition on travel at the time and acknowledged he did not fully assess the risks. He said one trip was tourism, and the other involved accompanying someone close to his mother to handle pension paperwork.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed child support, including a lawsuit filed by Kryklyvyi’s former wife. He said he has not evaded his obligations and makes payments in line with a court decision. He added that there was a period when the child lived with him because the mother was abroad, but overall child support is paid regularly, and he also covers additional expenses for the child’s treatment and other needs.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Oleh Kostiuk </b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kostyuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32615" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kostyuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kostyuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kostyuk-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kostyuk-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate’s financial history prompted many questions from PCIE due to large amounts of cash assistance from relatives. According to the discussion, Kostiuk’s mother regularly supported him from 2006 to 2021—€4,000 per year—and in 2011–2013 provided €25,000. Kostiuk said the higher sums were intended to help with building a house.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate also said his mother-in-law provided significant support, giving his wife amounts equal to roughly one-third of her income. At the same time, she provided funds to her son and was reportedly able to accumulate savings to buy an apartment in Chernihiv for more than UAH 300,000.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked whether he had documents confirming these transactions, Kostiuk said everything was provided in cash, so the transfers cannot be documented. He also described work experience in the United Kingdom, saying he worked 12-hour days to save $14,000 for his first home.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In May 2025, Kostiuk purchased a Lexus, saying the funds came from selling a previous car, savings, and income from legal practice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked about investments in securities, the candidate said the information did not relate to him and that he invests only in real estate.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also mentioned a complaint by an injured party in a criminal case alleging unethical conduct by Kostiuk as an attorney. Kostiuk said he acted ethically and was not held liable. </span></p>
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<h2><b>Denys Kovalenko</b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Rubizhne City Court, Luhansk Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kovalenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32613" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kovalenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kovalenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kovalenko-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kovalenko-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of the interview, Kovalenko said the war was the key factor behind his decision to apply to the HACC, because it highlighted the scale of corruption in the country. He said his goal as a HACC judge would be to help significantly reduce corruption.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE paid particular attention to resilience against external influence. The candidate said that over the years, including in cases involving members of parliament and mayors, he has not faced pressure. He explained this by his principled approach: early in his judicial career, he warned court staff that he would dismiss them if any corruption was detected, and he publicly stated that he does not hold informal meetings with members of the public or attorneys.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about funding for foreign travel to Finland, Egypt, and Turkey. Kovalenko denied visiting Helsinki and Egypt, suggesting the Border Guard data was mistaken. He categorically denied using a second passport or crossing the border outside official checkpoints. Regarding travel to Italy in 2018–2021, he said the family stayed with his sister, which reduced expenses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission asked how he managed to accumulate UAH 882,000 for a 2023 SUZUKI SX4 if he reported no savings as of 2020. Kovalenko said he lived modestly: in 2021 he did not buy new clothes or shoes, did not go to restaurants, and housing was provided by the local community. He said he worked six days a week and mostly walked, which allowed him to save from judicial remuneration. The interview also addressed a UAH 50,000 discrepancy between the vehicle price and declared spending; Kovalenko said this was an advance payment made earlier.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Discussing his handling of Article 130 DUI cases, PCIE noted he closed only 9 out of 404. Questions arose, however, about instances in which he fined drivers but did not revoke their licenses. Kovalenko justified this by citing direct application of constitutional principles to individualize punishment, such as when the offense was a first violation and driving was the family’s only source of income.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On HACC’s role, Kovalenko said he does not view the court as an anti-corruption “fighter,” because its function is justice and judicial oversight. At the same time, the commission questioned his claims of 10–12-hour workdays and heavy workload, noting that official data shows his court’s caseload is among the lowest compared to average figures in Ukraine.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also pointed to differences in his income at different courts: UAH 1.2 million in Rubizhne versus UAH 1.0 million in Kolomyia. Kovalenko suggested this could be due to additional payments, but could not recall the exact reason. He explained the absence of savings in 2024 by the overall rise in the cost of living.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Finally, broader questions touched on the judiciary and anti-corruption policy. Kovalenko opposed abolishing juries in adoption cases, calling juries a democratic feature that helps judges. To reduce corruption, he suggested lawmakers expand reward systems for whistleblowers and raise overall living standards. He said his own contribution would be through teaching and serving as a judge-spokesperson.</span></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-four-and-five/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Four and Five</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>A Make-or-Break Moment for the HACC Competition</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/a-make-or-break-moment-for-the-hacc-competition/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Катерина Риженко]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Mar 2026 12:50:00 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>The selection is being held among 73 legal professionals who have expressed a desire to become anti-corruption judges. Our organization has been monitoring this process since 2024.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/a-make-or-break-moment-for-the-hacc-competition/">A Make-or-Break Moment for the HACC Competition</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interviews in the second competition for the High Anti-Corruption Court (HACC) are entering the final stretch. On March 17, the last round of candidate interviews will take place. The selection is being held among 73 legal professionals who have expressed a desire to become anti-corruption judges.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Our organization has been monitoring this process since 2024. After the first selection attempt, when only two judges were appointed instead of 25, we systematically </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/problems-in-the-second-competition-for-selecting-hacc-judges/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">analyzed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the flaws in the process and went on to advocate for systemic changes ahead of the new competition. Today, it is clear that this work was not in vain: the quality of the current selection is higher than in the previous round. However, we once again face difficult challenges.</span></p>
<h3><b>1. The numbers trap: the Ukraine Facility Plan vs integrity</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine has an international obligation to appoint at least 20 judges to meet its commitments and receive funding under the </span><a href="https://www.ukrainefacility.me.gov.ua/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/plan-ukraine-facility.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine Facility Plan</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. But are there really that many impeccable candidates in the pipeline?</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interviews have revealed quite a few grey areas in the backgrounds of applicants. We are convinced that HACC judges cannot enter office with unresolved doubts hanging over their reputation even before taking the oath. Any shadow at the selection stage will later turn into a crisis of trust in rulings on high-profile corruption cases.</span></p>
<p><b>The choice is simple, but painful: </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">fill the vacancies in purely quantitative terms to obtain the tranche, or select only the very best candidates, risking part of the funding today for the sake of the quality of justice for decades to come, especially given that HACC judges are appointed for life. In the end, one judge who does not share HACC’s values will cost the state far more than any amount of financial assistance.</span></p>
<h3><b>2. The “window of opportunity” for international experts is closing</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If this competition fails to meet all of the court’s staffing needs, a third round will become inevitable. And that is where a procedural trap emerges: under current legislation, international experts will not take part in the next competition, because the mandate of the Public Council of International Experts (PCIE) expires in May 2026.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This means that international experts will no longer be able to participate in future selections, and their functions will have to be performed by the Public Integrity Council. Yet the Rule of Law Roadmap provides for filling all 25 vacant positions specifically with the participation of the PCIE by the end of Q1 2026. The problem is that there is not even a draft law at this point that would make this possible by extending the PCIE’s mandate.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some in Ukraine may welcome that prospect. But this and other selection procedures have shown that </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-calls-for-revising-the-composition-of-the-sapo-selection-commission/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">we are not yet ready</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to rely solely on fully independent domestic experts in such commissions. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The tandem of the High Qualification Commission of Judges and the Public Council of International Experts makes it possible to examine both a candidate’s assets and biography comprehensively, without turning the interview into a box-ticking formality. That is why extending the mandate of international experts is a matter of preserving HACC’s standards. Why give up international support when it is clearly proving effective right now? </span></p>
<h3><b>3. The formula for success: not perfect people, but reliable procedures</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The requirement that HACC judges must be beyond reproach is not about searching for superheroes who do not exist. It is about ensuring resilience to undue influence in a country where the judiciary has suffered from corruption for decades.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The staffing crisis in the legal profession is undeniable. It is increasingly difficult to find strong professionals without skeletons in their closets, as recent interviews with prospective anti-corruption judges have once again demonstrated. And this is no longer visible only in the HACC competition, but in other selection processes as well. But the answer is not to lower the bar. It is to create competition rules and conditions in which equal opportunities and transparent criteria can genuinely attract the best candidates.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">International commitments matter, but they should not turn into a headhunting exercise at the expense of quality. Over more than six years of work, the HACC has built a reputation as an institution that can be trusted with complex high-level corruption cases. That is why its judicial renewal must not be allowed to undermine that trust. </span></p>
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			            	It is increasingly difficult to find strong professionals without skeletons in their closets, as recent interviews with prospective anti-corruption judges have once again demonstrated. And this is no longer visible only in the HACC competition, but in other selection processes as well. But the answer is not to lower the bar. It is to create competition rules and conditions in which equal opportunities and transparent criteria can genuinely attract the best candidates.
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			            	Kateryna Ryzhenko
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/a-make-or-break-moment-for-the-hacc-competition/">A Make-or-Break Moment for the HACC Competition</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Civil Forfeiture in 2025: From Isolated Cases to a Systemic Anti-Corruption Tool</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/civil-forfeiture-in-2025-from-isolated-cases-to-a-systemic-anti-corruption-tool/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 13 Mar 2026 12:45:13 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>In 2025, the SAPO filed 45 civil forfeiture claims—three times more than in the previous five years combined.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/civil-forfeiture-in-2025-from-isolated-cases-to-a-systemic-anti-corruption-tool/">Civil Forfeiture in 2025: From Isolated Cases to a Systemic Anti-Corruption Tool</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2025, the SAPO filed 45 civil forfeiture claims—three times more than in the previous five years combined. </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This trend shows that the </span><b>mechanism for recovering unjustified assets has evolved into a powerful system</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> targeting public officials at every level, from members of parliament to customs officers and local government representatives. We previously reviewed and analyzed the specific features of this mechanism in a</span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/civil-forfeiture-in-ukraine/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">separate article</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Indeed, HACC’s 2025 case law has finally shattered the myth that assets can be safely concealed through relatives. It also points to a significant expansion in the range of defendants, from local self-government representatives to top officials, including members of parliament and deputy ministers. An analysis of SAPO’s work confirms that virtually all branches of government and oversight bodies have come under scrutiny, with particular focus on abuses in the customs and border services, as well as in executive and local authorities.</span></p>
<p><b>A key development in 2025 was</b> <b>SAPO’s shift from analyzing formal legal ownership to examining actual control over assets.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Prosecutors began successfully proving in court that even if an asset is registered in the name of a distant relative or business partner, it is still subject to forfeiture if the official in fact uses it—for example, by paying utility bills, keeping personal belongings there, or regularly parking a car there. This approach has effectively closed the “nominee owner” loophole that for years allowed wealth to be hidden outside official asset declarations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The appeals process in 2025 also became longer and more complex: defendants increasingly tried to delay proceedings as much as possible or find grounds to overturn forfeiture rulings. To do so, they challenged HACC decisions first before the HACC Appeals Chamber and then before the Civil Cassation Court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine’s EU integration commitments also include the introduction of single-judge consideration of these cases, and the relevant</span> <a href="https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billinfo/Bills/Card/57312"><span style="font-weight: 400;">draft law</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> has already been registered in parliament. We therefore expect MPs to contribute to making this instrument more effective. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Why are these precedents so important for combating corruption in public service? How did the asset value thresholds for claims change in 2026? And which luxury cars and “land empires” were ultimately returned to the public? Read the</span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/uk/analytics/civilna-konfiskaciya-v-ukrayini-spravi-za-2025-rik"><b> full breakdown of the year’s most high-profile cases</b></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on the HACC Decided platform.</span></p>
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			            	Ukraine’s EU integration commitments also include the introduction of single-judge consideration of these cases, and the relevant draft law has already been registered in parliament. We therefore expect MPs to contribute to making this instrument more effective. 
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/civil-forfeiture-in-2025-from-isolated-cases-to-a-systemic-anti-corruption-tool/">Civil Forfeiture in 2025: From Isolated Cases to a Systemic Anti-Corruption Tool</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Three</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-three/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 06 Mar 2026 10:41:29 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32499</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>TI Ukraine continues to monitor interviews in the competition for positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-three/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Three</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine continues to monitor interviews in the competition for positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the third week, the following candidates completed this stage of the competition:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Omelian</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktoriia Kytsiuk</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vitalii Dubas</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksii Yevtushenko </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lesia Skreklia</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nataliia Makhno</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Vernyhor</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Nikitchuk</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Khamkhodera</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Pika </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tetiana Troian </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kostiantyn Kharakoz </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Volodymyr Bubleinyk </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yuliia Retynska </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Serhii Syvokin</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This piece highlights key points from interviews held March 2–6.</span></p>
<p>All photos<span style="font-weight: 400;">—</span>HQCJ.</p>
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<h3><b>Ihor Omelian</b></h3>
<p><b>Lecturer, International European University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32481" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE and HQCJ focused most heavily on a series of companies that the candidate had served as a director or founder of and that appeared to be set up under suspicious circumstances. TI Ukraine’s prior review found that in 2020–2021 Omelian served as director of six LLCs with foreign founders—suggesting the companies were used to obtain residence permits for foreigners outside the standard procedure. None of the companies opened bank accounts, conducted business activities, or had staff other than the candidate as director. The entities were also registered, without a clear basis, at the candidate’s apartment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Omelian said he met these foreigners through a colleague who asked him to provide legal assistance. He ultimately confirmed that the companies were created for residence permits and that the foreigners said they </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“wanted to live in Ukraine and saw their business in Ukraine,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">while adding that the procedure was lawful. Asked directly whether he understood the companies were not created to conduct real business, Omelian answered differently, saying the foreigners liked Ukrainian food and people, and that after moving to another country, they did not like it there. He concluded by saying he does not engage in fictitious company creation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine also established that the candidate was a co-founder of PODIL AGRO INVEST LLC (charter capital UAH 4.2 billion, of which UAH 1.4 billion was in the candidate’s name) and SEA INVESTMENT GROUP LLC (charter capital UAH 560 million, of which UAH 140 million was in the candidate’s name). The panel asked how “innovative models” could have been valued by the owners at such extraordinary sums and what, specifically, made them innovative.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At first, the candidate responded in general terms, saying that </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“implementing them could bring the results described in the feasibility studies for those projects.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> One idea, he said, concerned building an LNG terminal at a port—something that no one ever built. Another concerned using agricultural enterprises to grow export products. He said the projects failed, and that he later exited the business voluntarily, stating he had no claims regarding his billion-hryvnia stakes. Omelian was unable to explain what intellectual contribution he personally made to the purported know-how.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked directly whether the company could have been used for money laundering or fraud—particularly because the names of these companies appear in criminal proceedings involving fraud and money laundering. Omelian responded that to do that “you would need to have money,” and he said the companies did not.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, the candidate tried to underscore his integrity. He said he could have avoided declaring a piece of property because </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“if I hadn’t listed it, no one would even know, because it isn’t even in the registry.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> He said something similar about a repayable financial assistance (a loan) he received from his own law office: </span><b>“</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">I could have not declared it (the income—ed.), </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">and the commission would have had no way of knowing, nor would any outside observer</span></i><b>.”</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding these “loans from himself to himself,” the candidate said they were not a way to avoid paying dividends tax. Instead, he said, during a period when banks were closing he wanted to protect his money: in liquidation, he claimed, funds belonging to legal entities are paid out last, while individuals are paid first and in full.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also questioned the candidate about his primary job since 2024 as a university lecturer. It emerged that some of the courses he teaches are not law-related, even though he has only a law degree and no academic title. Omelian explained that he took up teaching because his law office income was unstable and he wanted to understand whether he should pursue a PhD. He said he found the teaching vacancy, which provides a deferment from mobilization, through targeted advertising.</span></p>
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			            	During the interview, the candidate tried to underscore his integrity. He said he could have avoided declaring a piece of property because “if I hadn’t listed it, no one would even know, because it isn’t even in the registry.”
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<h3><b>Vitalii Dubas</b></h3>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32473" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel asked Dubas about the controversy surrounding the criminal case involving suspected former deputy chair of the High Commercial Court, Artur Yemelianov. In that matter, Investigating Judge Dubas returned the prosecutor’s motion for an interim measure, because he believed the case fell under the jurisdiction not of HACC but of the Pecherskyi District Court of Kyiv. The HACC Appeals Chamber later overturned that decision and kept the case under HACC jurisdiction. Dubas said the Appeals Chamber should not have considered the matter at all, because the court of first instance was not the Anti-Corruption Court but a local court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dubas said he had made similar rulings before, but this case was particularly high-profile, which ultimately led to interference in his work. He noted that the HACC Appeals Chamber had previously held that the case belonged to HACC, but he disagreed with that approach and, among other things, unsuccessfully sought recusal on that basis. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked whether the situation nonetheless allowed him to recuse himself. Dubas replied that every judge has the right to their own legal position and that the correctness of that position is tested through judicial review, adding: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“If I issued the decision, I’m ready to be accountable for it.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate topic was that the judge is a blood donor and donates on workdays. Dubas said he donates about once a month. The discussion concerned a situation where he tried to take the days off provided by law, but the court chair allegedly refused, creating an apparent conflict. Dubas said that on those days he typically continues administering justice and then “adds” the days off, for example, to a vacation period. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also examined an episode in which two of the three judges on a panel (other than Dubas) issued separate opinions. This was discussed from the standpoint of teamwork. Dubas said he has extensive experience working on judicial panels and that this was the only such situation. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel also discussed his use of full access to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Part of that topic was considered in a closed session. In the open session, asked why he searched the register for his own surname, Dubas said he was reviewing appellate decisions addressing appeals of his rulings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also touched on judges’ behavior in court hearings that had been discussed on social media. Dubas said he believes that when a judge behaves like a real person, rather than “a person in a case,” it can increase public trust in the court.</span></p>
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			            	The interview also examined an episode in which two of the three judges on a panel (other than Dubas) issued separate opinions. This was discussed from the standpoint of teamwork. Dubas said he has extensive experience working on judicial panels and that this was the only such situation.
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<h3><b>Viktoriia Kytsiuk</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Solomianskyi District Court of Kyiv</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32477" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This interview largely revisited issues that had already been examined during Kytsiuk’s first participation in the HACC competition in 2018–2019. She was eliminated after a joint session of HQCJ and PCIE. The grounds were, among other things, social media posts criticizing NABU, and an episode involving an “error correction” that in practice narrowed the substance of an earlier ruling.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The key question this time was what, specifically, had changed since the previous competition and why HQCJ and PCIE should reach a different conclusion now. Kytsiuk emphasized that she should be assessed as of the present, referring to the Supreme Court’s position that integrity criteria involve a degree of subjectivity, and said she was prepared to provide explanations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding the Facebook posts, she said she had drawn conclusions from that situation and would act differently today. Kytsiuk stressed that her repost occurred after her judicial term had already ended, so she was not commenting on a matter pending before her. As for the “error correction,” she emphasized that the appellate court overturned the decision for procedural reasons—specifically, the failure to notify the pretrial investigation authority, which effectively deprived it of an opportunity to provide explanations. However, she noted that the appellate court did not find that the underlying decision had been substantively narrowed, and she focused her explanations on that point.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Kytsiuk’s transfer to a court in Kyiv in 2013. A PCIE member raised the question of whether the transfer was carried out through a genuine competitive procedure, as required by law. At the time, a judge appointed for an initial five-year term could be transferred only through a publicly announced competition. However, no information about such a competition was found on the HQCJ website, and the practices of that period had previously been criticized by the Public Integrity Council. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kytsiuk said she learned about the vacancy by comparing information on judges’ resignations and transfers. She also said that a competence review “apparently took place,” but did not provide detailed circumstances. According to her, there were four candidates for four vacancies and all were appointed. The PCIE member noted inconsistencies in her explanations regarding the nature of that check.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed a 2017 incident with patrol police. Kytsiuk said she does not believe she violated traffic rules and tried not to escalate the conflict. She acknowledged that she may have lacked communication skills and psychological knowledge but said she had no intention of creating a confrontation.</span></p>
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			            	The key question this time was what, specifically, had changed since the previous competition and why HQCJ and PCIE should reach a different conclusion now. Kytsiuk emphasized that she should be assessed as of the present, referring to the Supreme Court’s position that integrity criteria involve a degree of subjectivity, and said she was prepared to provide explanations.
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<h3><b>Oleksii Yevtushenko </b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Saksahanskyi District Court</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32475" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevtushenko’s interview began with discussion of his practical experience, including his handling of corruption-related cases. He said he does not find corruption cases difficult; for him, cases affecting people’s lives are more difficult.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about the privatization of a one-room apartment in Kharkiv in 2013. The experts did not understand how the candidate managed to privatize the apartment within only one year of filing an application. At the time, Yevtushenko was the chief of staff of the Kharkiv Region Court of Appeal, and PCIE found that the apartment was allocated to him by the Kharkiv City Council as an exception. It was not official housing; he applied under the general procedure used by citizens seeking housing. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate was unable to recall, even in broad terms, what the “exception” was. He said he tried to obtain documents on the City Council’s decision-making procedure, but they had been destroyed after the retention period expired. He also said he learned only in 2026 that the apartment had been granted as an exception.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that the City Council reviewed the decision to transfer the apartment within one month—an unusually fast timeline. Yevtushenko again said he does not know why his application was reviewed so quickly, adding: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“Honestly, when I applied, getting an apartment felt like winning the lottery,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">and </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“I simply got lucky—it’s a real pity I can’t prove it.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the time he received the apartment, the candidate also held an ownership share in property in Chernihiv. Because of this, he said, he had to personally pay part of the privatized apartment’s value. In 2025, he sold the apartment, but said he did not intend to profit, because he used the proceeds to purchase property in his mother’s hometown. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also covered a lawsuit against Kharkiv heating utilities in which the candidate was represented by his wife’s law firm. The court ordered reimbursement to Judge Yevtushenko of UAH 5,000 in legal fees. The candidate confirmed that he did in fact transfer those funds as payment to his wife’s company.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevtushenko also apologized for a remark he made during the interview addressed to a member of the High Council of Justice, saying that he always pays child support and that </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“that is the nature of a Ukrainian woman—she always pursues child support for herself.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> He said the remark may have been inappropriate and that he meant something else.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about the candidate’s mobilization history. In March 2022, he contacted the Verkhovyna Center for Territorial Recruitment and began service, including in the Military Law Enforcement Service. His service lasted four months, and the panel sought clarification as to why he joined the military and whether it was intended to obtain a particular status.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On a professional question about a recent Constitutional Court decision concerning detention during martial law, the candidate was unable to say what the decision was about.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, Yevtushenko appeared nervous during the interview and frequently interrupted commission members, for which he received warnings.</span></p>
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			            	Overall, Yevtushenko appeared nervous during the interview and frequently interrupted commission members, for which he received warnings.
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<h3><b>Lesia Skreklia</b></h3>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Lviv University of Trade and Economics</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32483" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a discussion of the candidate’s motivation to work at HACC. Skreklia said she views administering justice at HACC as the peak of the legal profession and described the court as a </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“court of justice” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">that, together with Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure, can realistically reduce corruption in the country.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE then asked about her husband, an investigator who won a competition for the State Bureau of Investigation in 2018. The panel asked whether she saw a risk of a conflict of interest, given that the SBI also investigates high-level corruption cases. Skreklia replied that she and her husband share the same values, so there can be no pressure; moreover, she said she would not allow it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A substantial part of the interview was about her academic work. Experts noted similarities between her dissertation and the work of another scholar. Skreklia said she and the colleague worked simultaneously, had the same academic supervisor—Professor Viacheslav Navrotskyi—and used similar methodology. She stressed that her dissertation abstract and an article on the topic were published earlier, even though the colleague defended first. She also said the colleague asked her for the dissertation text to review. Skreklia denied violating academic integrity rules, but acknowledged that sharing her dissertation with the colleague was a mistake and said she would treat it as a lesson.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE then asked about the family’s financial situation. Skreklia said she lives in her parents’ apartment in Lviv, purchased in 2016 for UAH 1.3 million. According to her, her parents earned those funds while working in Russia in the 2000s.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">She also described the purchase of an apartment in Kyiv for UAH 3.7 million in 2026. She said the family had saved for 13 years and previously did not own housing. The apartment is still under construction, and the couple does not rule out selling it in the future in order to buy housing in Lviv.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2021, Skreklia’s husband purchased a damaged car from the United States for $9,500, and the family spent a total of $16,500 on repairs. Skreklia said the family could afford this because her husband earns a high salary.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ pointed to several inaccuracies in her declarations. Skreklia confirmed that the listed price of a parking space contained a typo (UAH 120,000). She explained differences in the dates of acquiring a share in an apartment in her and her husband’s declarations as her husband’s carelessness. She also said she unintentionally failed to report her right to practice law because she completed that section mechanically.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also noted that in the declaration of the value of her parents’ apartment in Lviv, Skreklia selected “not applicable.” She said this was due to inexperience in completing the forms and stressed that she had no intent to conceal anything.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ further noted errors in her family ties declaration and her integrity declaration: she listed all relatives without distinction and completed the document only for 2024, even though it was required for her entire life period. Skreklia said she was unaware of the requirement. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also noted that in her questionnaire she stated she had not participated in competitions, even though she is currently undergoing selection for local courts. Skreklia acknowledged that this was another mistake.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also asked about sources of the family’s savings reported in her 2018–2019 declarations. Skreklia said she saved all of her own income, while the family lived on her husband’s earnings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In closing, the commission expressed doubts about the unusually large number of her co-authored scholarly publications, which is atypical for legal research. Skreklia said such co-authorship reflected academic exchange and was not intended to artificially inflate her publication count.</span></p>
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			            	PCIE then asked about her husband, an investigator who won a competition for the State Bureau of Investigation in 2018. The panel asked whether she saw a risk of a conflict of interest, given that the SBI also investigates high-level corruption cases. Skreklia replied that she and her husband share the same values, so there can be no pressure; moreover, she said she would not allow it.
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<h3><b>Nataliia Makhno</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Kolomyia City District Court, Ivano-Frankivsk Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32479" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, some questions concerned the family’s finances, including her father’s work abroad. A PCIE member noted that her father had worked in France and asked about the type of work and income level. Makhno said her father was officially employed as a worker and, in her words, earned up to €2,000 per month; she added that before France he also worked in other countries.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed the construction of a residential house of about 140 m², built roughly 30 years ago. Makhno said it was built “by the artisanal method,” meaning by the family’s own efforts. Asked about subsequent renovations, she confirmed that repairs were made but was unable to estimate the approximate costs.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE examined in detail Makhno’s purchase of a 2008 HYUNDAI ACCENT in 2017 for UAH 48,744. PCIE questioned whether the vehicle’s value may have been understated given market prices. Makhno said the car required repairs and that she used her personal salary savings to buy it. A PCIE member noted that documentation of the repairs was provided only partially. One HQCJ member remarked that at such a price it might have been more profitable for the prior owner to sell the car as scrap, which further increased doubts about whether the stated price was realistic.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned her academic track: the commission asked why she changed both her academic supervisor and her institution. Makhno said the first institution could not form a specialized academic council due to the lack of relevant scholars, and that most of the research had already been completed by the time she transferred. At the same time, an HQCJ member pointed out that the first institution had issued a conclusion with reservations about the work’s readiness and that by the end of her doctoral studies the research had not been completed in full. This raised doubts about the consistency of her explanation for changing institutions. Another HQCJ member also noted that in those years the first institution hosted defenses on similar topics, which further undermined the claim that it was impossible to form a specialized council. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Makhno’s integrity declaration. She said she had not been held liable. During the interview, however, she confirmed that a traffic ticket had been issued against her and that she challenged it; the higher authority later overturned it for lack of an offense.</span></p>
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			            	The commission asked why she changed both her academic supervisor and her institution. Makhno said the first institution could not form a specialized academic council due to the lack of relevant scholars, and that most of the research had already been completed by the time she transferred. At the same time, an HQCJ member pointed out that the first institution had issued a conclusion with reservations about the work’s readiness and that by the end of her doctoral studies the research had not been completed in full.
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<h3><b>Oleksandr Vernyhor</b></h3>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32471" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, PCIE paid particular attention to the candidate’s business model. In 2024, he received most of his income through his individual entrepreneur status, which is taxed at a lower rate, while income from his independent professional activity as an attorney accounted for only about 20% of his total annual income. Vernyhor said he has the right to choose the format under which he provides services and that the law does not prohibit this. He explained that he received funds as an attorney only when a client insisted on signing a legal services agreement specifically with him in his capacity as an attorney. In other cases, he signed contracts as an individual entrepreneur, which prompted extensive questions from PCIE members.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Health-related issues, which form the basis for the candidate’s deferment from mobilization, were discussed in a closed session.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel also reviewed questions of Vernyhor’s tax compliance, noting that enforcement proceedings were opened against him for nonpayment of the unified social contribution. Vernyhor described this as an accounting error in his 2020 reporting (during the COVID-19 pandemic there were temporary USC payment relief measures), which the tax authority did not allow him to correct. A court ultimately upheld the tax authority’s position; Vernyhor did not appeal further and paid the assessed amounts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ was interested in the candidate’s successful track record of challenging tax authority decisions through the administrative (out-of-court) appeal procedure, especially given his prior work in the tax service. Because such complaints have a low success rate in Ukraine, the commission asked what explained his results. Vernyhor said he simply prepared strong legal reasoning against decisions that were plainly unlawful, and he categorically denied exerting any influence on former colleagues.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for potential ties to the Nash Krai party, election commission data listed Vernyhor as a member of an election commission nominated by that party (his full name and taxpayer number matched). The candidate said he had never served on such a commission and had not participated in elections at all, suggesting he may have been added to lists by mistake without his knowledge.</span></p>
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			            	The panel also reviewed questions of Vernyhor’s tax compliance, noting that enforcement proceedings were opened against him for nonpayment of the unified social contribution. Vernyhor described this as an accounting error in his 2020 reporting, which the tax authority did not allow him to correct. A court ultimately upheld the tax authority’s position; Vernyhor did not appeal further and paid the assessed amounts.
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<h2><b>Oleh Khamkhodera</b></h2>
<p><b>Servicemember</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hamhodera.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32546" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hamhodera.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hamhodera.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hamhodera-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Hamhodera-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with questions about Khamkhodera’s academic work on corruption. He said the topic of his PhD dissertation largely concerned preventing and combating corruption, including conflicts of interest in public service. His academic supervisor was the infamous Serhii Kivalov. Khamkhodera emphasized that their interaction was strictly limited to academic work—discussing research issues—and that there was no personal relationship between them.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about his work as an attorney. Khamkhodera said that since 2020 he has not, in practice, represented clients in court; he has only occasionally helped colleagues and has mostly provided pro bono consultations. He said his criminal law experience came during military service, when he served as head of a military unit’s legal service. In that role, he represented the unit’s interests, including in cases involving damage to military property.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE separately asked about his political connections. In 2019, Khamkhodera provided legal assistance to a parliamentary candidate. He said he did so pro bono for two weeks while on leave, because he had previously been that candidate’s teacher. He said the relationship ended after the election.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another question concerned criminal proceedings against the candidate’s brother, who is accused of accepting a bribe while in military service. Khamkhodera said he is not involved in his brother’s defense and does not provide advice in the case. In his view, the proceeding would not affect his ability to be an impartial HACC judge.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ noted that the candidate submitted essentially the same motivation letter for competitions to administrative courts and to the HACC. Khamkhodera confirmed that the administrative-court letter was prepared based on his HACC letter because he had limited time.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also asked why his dossier contained no recommendations despite 15 years of professional experience. Khamkhodera said he did not ask colleagues for recommendations because he was uncertain whether he would be able to prepare fully for the competition while on active military service.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another question concerned his membership on an election commission in 2012. He said he represented a political force but could not recall which one. He added that he joined the commission out of professional interest rather than political motives.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked again about his connection to Serhii Kivalov as his academic supervisor. Khamkhodera reiterated that the relationship was strictly professional and that he has no other relationship with Kivalov.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In closing, the candidate said he believes his knowledge and skills are sufficient for work at the HACC. He emphasized experience working with legal documents, analyzing case law, and preparing academic materials on certain corruption-related offenses, as well as additional practical experience gained during military service.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Ihor Nikitchuk</b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Nikitchuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32536" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Nikitchuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Nikitchuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Nikitchuk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Nikitchuk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nikitchuk’s interview began with discussion of his professional background and the legal company he founded and ran for about ten years, until he was forced to halt operations due to the full-scale invasion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE was interested in the company’s financial model, particularly the fact that Nikitchuk, as director, received a relatively low salary and did not report other income. He said that he effectively provided legal services free of charge in the interests of the enterprise, and that he often worked pro bono in exchange for services or loans from other companies. He stressed that he does not view himself as an entrepreneur, but rather as a professional for whom stability and the ability to help people matter more.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that some of the clients for whom he provided pro bono services were large companies with sufficient resources to pay for legal assistance. Nikitchuk said he took on those cases out of professional interest, not financial motivation. He said he has now sold his stake in the legal company and currently works as a self-employed attorney; he added that these changes would be reflected in his 2025 declaration.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A significant set of questions concerned Nikitchuk’s finances. PCIE asked about his purchase of a Toyota in 2008. The candidate confirmed that the vehicle was new and purchased entirely with loan funds, which he repaid through 2016. Asked how he serviced the loan with relatively modest income, he said his family lives very frugally and did not purchase real estate or other significant assets.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also covered Nikitchuk’s connections with Ukrainian politician and businessman Andrii Tabalov. Nikitchuk said the relationship was client-based: he represented Tabalov as a lawyer, including during election campaigns. According to the candidate, after he decided in 2011 to participate in judicial competitions, the relationship ended.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also noted the candidate’s political activity, including his participation in the 2015 local elections from the Nash Krai party. Nikitchuk said this reflected a desire to contribute to community development in the context of Russian aggression after the events of 2014.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Discussing his motivation to become a judge, Nikitchuk said his main driver is participation in the fight against corruption. He described his work in customs authorities in the early 2000s, when he said he was offered bribes in exchange for not pursuing liability in a case involving suspected smuggling. He said he refused and drew up a report, although he did not report the offer of an improper benefit to law enforcement because there were no witnesses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also pointed to tax authority information indicating that Nikitchuk’s total taxable income over 27 years was only UAH 1,341,000. The candidate said he had no other sources of income and that the figure was accurate. He also said that in 2019 he sold a land plot and a garden house for a relatively small amount because he needed funds for current expenses at the time.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In closing, HQCJ asked what guarantees there were that he would not later shift from a judicial career into politics. Nikitchuk said the guarantee is his judicial oath and his word, emphasizing that he sees his vocation in administering justice.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Mykola Pika </b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pika.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32538" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pika.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pika.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pika-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Pika-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During Mykola Pika’s interview, a significant portion of the questions concerned his professional experience, asset declarations, and several complaints filed against him during his legal practice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel first examined the circumstances of a lawsuit in which a military unit sought to recover funds it alleged had been overpaid to the candidate as a servicemember. At the initiative of the presiding commission member, further discussion of this issue took place in closed session. Open sources indicate that the court of first instance dismissed the claim.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Pika’s asset declarations. One HQCJ member pointed to inaccuracies in earlier declarations, including information about his place of residence and registration. The candidate acknowledged these deficiencies and said they stemmed from the fact that he was filing a declaration for the first time. He said he provided explanations to the NACP and corrected the information in his 2025 candidate declaration.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed complaints filed with the Qualification and Disciplinary Commission of the Bar. Three complaints were reviewed. The first concerned an alleged disclosure of medical information. Pika said that in the relevant matter, the medical circumstances were part of the factual narrative in a statement submitted to law enforcement, and he therefore did not consider this a disclosure of medical confidentiality. The second complaint was filed by an expert witness against whom the candidate, as an attorney, submitted a statement alleging a knowingly false expert opinion. The third complaint came from a client who alleged she had lost contact with her attorney and that he refused to address an alleged error in a court decision. Pika said he fulfilled his obligations within the scope of the legal aid mandate, and that the client did not formally withdraw from his services. In his view, however, there was no error in the court decision at issue.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Tetiana Troian</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Sosnivskyi District Court of Cherkasy</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Troyan.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32544" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Troyan.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Troyan.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Troyan-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Troyan-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel asked Troian about her work focus at the Sosnivskyi District Court in Cherkasy and about her most complex criminal case. Troian said she handles criminal, civil, and administrative matters and also serves as an investigating judge. She said she could not single out one “most difficult” case, but noted that she has handled corruption-related cases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Troian described the difference between the HACC and a local court as involving more complex, voluminous, and structured cases requiring deeper analytical work. For that reason, she said she views work at the HACC as professional evolution and prioritizes this competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The property-related questions centered on a vehicle and a loan. A new Nissan Qashqai was purchased in 2011 for UAH 216,000 in cash. Troian said the funds came from the sale of a prior vehicle, savings, and a UAH 64,000 loan that was repaid early.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2024, Troian’s husband sold the same vehicle, also for cash, to the judge’s mother for UAH 276,000. Troian said her mother could afford this due to a pension of about UAH 5,000 and social payments to her husband, a miner, in the amount of UAH 20,000–25,000. Asked why the sale price was so low, Troian said the price was determined through an MIA Service Center valuation, but she could not provide documentary confirmation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The question arose in part because, a year later, Troian’s mother sold the Nissan Qashqai for UAH 487,000. Troian said the later sale was to third parties and that the new buyer agreed to that price.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A number of questions concerned a $26,000 housing loan that Troian did not repay after 2014. She said she took out the loan in 2005 for housing in Donetsk and moved into that home in 2006. With the start of the ATO, she and her family had to leave and lost access to the home. She was asked why she did not repay the loan earlier even though she had more than $40,000. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Troian said that after 2014 she had to rebuild her life, so she used funds to purchase new housing in Cherkasy. In 2024, she said, the bank canceled the $26,000 debt under a special program for people who lost housing due to hostilities. She said the program was available to everyone in that situation and that after 2014 she repaid only $10,000 to the bank.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Troian also confirmed that she used full access to the court decisions register to track whether the bank might file a lawsuit over the loan she had not repaid for 10 years. In addition, she said she once searched for her own surname in connection with the HACC, although no decision was opened or filtered; she suggested it may have been an accidental search.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">An HQCJ member asked why, among the three searches she conducted (other than her own name), she also entered the surname “Riznyk” (the surname of a figure in an ARMA-related corruption case). Troian responded that she may have been reviewing HACC practice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed the fact that Troian did not list her minor daughter in her declaration; she acknowledged this and said it was a mistake/typo.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Her competency check on HACC-relevant issues was not successful. The candidate was unable to correctly answer questions about when an offer of an improper benefit and extortion of an improper benefit should be legally classified as such.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Kostiantyn Kharakoz </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Economic Court of Donetsk Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Harakoz.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32548" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Harakoz.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Harakoz.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Harakoz-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Harakoz-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a discussion of the candidate’s professional background. Kostiantyn Kharakoz has served as an economic court judge for more than 10 years. Before his appointment to the bench, he practiced as an attorney. He said his main specialization was corporate and financial legal relations, and that litigation accounted for about 30% of his overall work. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked specifically about his experience with corruption-related matters. Kharakoz said that neither as a judge nor as an attorney had he directly handled such cases. He explained that he works within economic jurisdiction, where these categories of cases are not heard. At the same time, he said he considers himself ready to serve as a HACC judge because his years on the bench have developed skills in impartiality, objective assessment of evidence, and decision-making.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A substantial block of questions concerned the candidate’s trips to Crimea and Donetsk after the start of Russian aggression in 2014. Kharakoz said that in 2014 he left Donetsk with his family for security reasons and spent some time in Crimea using a previously purchased travel package. He said it was not a vacation, but an attempt to find a safe place for his family. He confirmed that in 2015 he traveled to Donetsk for a few days to collect belongings, and in 2016 to attend a funeral. Asked by HQCJ whether he understood in summer 2014 that Crimea was already occupied, the candidate said that at the time he perceived the events as temporary.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate part of the interview addressed assets. PCIE noted that the candidate declared a significant number of high-value items, including expensive watches and jewelry, as well as a $70,000 “loan” to his father. Kharakoz said the items were purchased using income earned during his private legal practice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding watches costing several thousand dollars, he said he bought them during the period when he had high earnings as an attorney. In his opinion, such purchases were partly an element of professional presentation, because in the legal environment appearance and status markers can sometimes be perceived as evidence of professional success. He added that one of the watches was a gift from friends.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for the “loan” to his father, Kharakoz said he was effectively placing his own funds in his father’s custody in a bank safe deposit box after his apartment was burglarized. He said they did not sign a formal contract because it was a family arrangement. After his father became ill, part of the funds were spent on treatment, and after his father’s death, about $50,000 remained with the candidate’s mother.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed the candidate’s connections with certain individuals who, according to open sources, may have been linked to the Party of Regions. One example involved his acquaintance Oleksii Balabanov, whom Kharakoz assisted with vehicle paperwork by issuing a power of attorney. Kharakoz said he did so as a friend, not as a judge, and that he was unaware of any political activity; he suggested it could have been a different person with the same name and date of birth.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Similar questions arose about another acquaintance from whom Kharakoz rents an apartment and who was also reported to have ties to the Party of Regions; the candidate said he did not know about those ties.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Toward the end of the interview, HQCJ asked the candidate several questions about professional preparedness. For example, he was asked to identify the most significant recent changes in criminal procedure, but he said he could not determine which changes were the most fundamental.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Volodymyr Bubleinyk </b></h2>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bublejnyk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32534" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bublejnyk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bublejnyk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bublejnyk-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Bublejnyk-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Bubleinyk’s interview began with a question about his solar energy installations. The candidate asked that the issue be discussed in closed session, but PCIE and HQCJ denied that motion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The first set of questions concerned the candidate’s real estate on which solar panels are installed, allowing Bubleinyk to generate electricity and sell it under the “green tariff.” He said he earned about $500,000 from supplying such energy.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that the candidate became the owner of around a dozen houses in a small locality, seven of which were transferred to him free of charge by the local council. Bubleinyk said the houses had effectively no market value because the street was almost uninhabited. He said the local council wanted an owner who would begin paying local taxes and develop alternative energy projects. According to him, there was no special program or competition: he said the initiative came from the village council, which approached him with a proposal to invest in solar power stations. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ was unable to establish the specific reasons for the council’s proposal, noting that, based on the commission’s information, the properties were privatized by Bubleinyk in 2002–2003—before the “green tariff” existed and even before legislation on personal income tax and related matters.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also sought clarity on the legal grounds on which he acquired ownership of seven real estate objects. The candidate said he did not know the legal details and that the local council handled the paperwork. He added that if he had paid for the property, he would have checked all the details, but since the properties were transferred for free, he only paid taxes. HQCJ also raised the issue of land use under these properties. Bubleinyk said the land belongs to the local council and that he did not formalize any rights to it because he did not consider it necessary, although he pays periodic charges assessed by the council.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed how the solar power stations were launched. Bubleinyk said he carried out construction work together with his brother, including installing supports and mounting structures for the panels. His brother, who has relevant training, connected the equipment to the grid. According to the candidate, an energy company commissioned the stations free of charge. He was unable to provide receipts showing the cost of the equipment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also noted that the candidate did not list the solar panels and other equipment as movable property in his declarations. Bubleinyk said he could not determine their current value due to wear and depreciation. In his view, the equipment had already lost its market value, which is why he did not include it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, PCIE asked the candidate to imagine an analogous scenario in a criminal case: a business with substantial income but no documents showing the equipment’s value or the source of funds. Bubleinyk responded that he would first analyze the legal framework, including issues related to tax agents, and said he believes that at the time he created the solar stations, the activity was lawful.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another block of questions concerned real estate in Georgia. According to state registries, the candidate issued powers of attorney for managing apartments there. Bubleinyk said that in 2016–2017 he invested in a real estate project through a Georgian company under an agreement that, he said, combined elements of purchase and investment. The project did not materialize, and for several years he tried to recover the invested funds. In 2024, he said, he recovered about $30,000 after the apartments were sold. He said this amount was not reflected in his declarations because in 2023 he was not subject to the declaration requirement, and by the end of 2024 he no longer owned the properties.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about his 2019 trip to the Russian Federation. The candidate confirmed the visit and said it was for family reasons: his mother lives in Kursk Region, and he traveled there at her request to tend relatives’ graves. He said he interacted only with border and customs officials during the trip and has no ties to Russian state bodies.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">While discussing the construction of the solar stations, PCIE also asked about the origin of the equipment. Bubleinyk said he purchased some materials at markets, obtained inverters from private individuals or online, and that some equipment was used. He said he has technical passports for some items, but not all purchases were supported by receipts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Toward the end of the interview, HQCJ raised an administrative case involving alleged traffic violations in which it was stated that the candidate did not stop when ordered by police, increased speed, and refused testing. Bubleinyk explained this as a conflict with traffic police officers, who he said had previously been his students. According to him, the case ended with the court not imposing liability.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In closing, the candidate expressed hope that in the future HACC would become unnecessary because, in his words, he would like there to be no corruption cases left in Ukraine for the court to hear.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Yuliia Retynska </b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Zavodskyi District Court of Zaporizhzhia</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Retynska.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32540" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Retynska.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Retynska.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Retynska-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Retynska-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Retynska’s interview began with a discussion of her motivation to participate in the HACC competition. She said she has served as a local court judge for 13 years and views the competition as an opportunity for professional and career growth. She said she is drawn to complex cases of public interest and to the narrower specialization that work at HACC entails.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about her experience in criminal proceedings, including corruption-related matters. Retynska said that in a local court she handles different categories of cases and serves as both an investigating judge and a juvenile judge. At the same time, she said she has in fact had only one criminal case involving a corruption offense.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of PCIE questions concerned administrative cases under Article 130 of the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses (driving under the influence) that were closed due to the expiration of the time limit for imposing liability. PCIE pointed to 11 such cases. Retynska said that at the time, the limitation period was only three months, and cases often reached her at the end of—or after—the limitation period. Sometimes only a few days remained, making proper notice of the hearing impossible.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about her use of full-access logs in the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Retynska confirmed there had been such use. She said full access made it easier, for work purposes, to identify individuals anonymized in decisions as “Person 1” or “Person 2.” She added that at times she had tabs open with different access levels and may have mixed them up.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Retynska also described one instance of using the register outside official necessity at a friend’s request. She said her friend, after divorcing her ex-husband, asked for help finding information about his possible criminal liability. Retynska said she provided only the case number of a matter heard in open proceedings and stressed that she did not disclose deliberation secrecy or closed information.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also focused on her savings. In her 2017 declaration she reported $4,000 in cash, which was a significant share of her annual income, while in 2016 she reported no savings. Retynska said the funds existed earlier as well, but did not exceed the declaration threshold (UAH 68,000), so she did not report them. She said her only source of savings was judicial remuneration.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel separately discussed her purchase of a Ford Fiesta in 2019 for UAH 200,000. PCIE noted that comparable vehicles are now sold at higher prices. Retynska said the car has a manual transmission and was imported from the United States, which made it cheaper than market averages. She said that at the time of purchase the vehicle was valued at an Interior Ministry service center consistent with the contract price, but that after five years it is no longer possible to obtain a copy of that valuation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ drew attention to the dynamics of her savings accumulation, including the fact that in 2020 she managed to save about $15,000. Retynska explained this by a sharp increase in net income—by her calculations, about UAH 300,000 in 2019 and more than UAH 700,000 in 2020.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">She said she is saving to buy real estate, because she currently lives in an apartment with her mother and daughter. She added that after the start of the full-scale invasion she spent almost nothing on leisure or travel, which also allowed her to increase savings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, HQCJ asked about periods of vacation and sick leave in 2025 when the candidate was not participating in automated case assignment for an extended time. Retynska said vacation schedules are set at the end of the year and she traditionally takes vacation during school holidays because of her child. As for the sick leave that fell between vacation periods, she said it was a coincidence and added that over her entire judicial career she has taken sick leave only twice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the professional part of the interview, HQCJ asked her a number of questions on criminal procedure. She said that a court order by an investigating judge is the basis for conducting special pretrial investigation, but she could not recall the specific legal provision. She also hesitated when asked about a defense attorney’s right to an interpreter, explaining that she had not encountered such situations in practice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Toward the end of the interview, HQCJ noted an increase in the number of civil cases Retynska handled outside statutory time limits in 2024. She explained this by changes in the court’s criminal caseload after the start of the full-scale invasion, including a significant number of collaboration-related cases that require more time and affect workload distribution.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Serhii Syvokin</b></h2>
<p><b>Judge, Shpola District Court, Cherkasy Region </b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Syvokin.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32542" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Syvokin.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Syvokin.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Syvokin-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Syvokin-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During Syvokin’s interview, many questions concerned the family’s financial situation, income sources, and certain circumstances related to family members’ income.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One of the first questions concerned whether the family’s income in 2019 was sufficient. According to declarations, Syvokin, his wife, and two children had a combined annual income of about UAH 30,000, which raised doubts for PCIE about how the family could cover basic living costs. Syvokin said it was an extremely difficult financial period. He said he left his job at a bank while awaiting appointment as a judge, but the appointment process was delayed. During that time, the family was essentially “surviving,” and his parents helped with food and small holiday gifts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A PCIE member asked why he quit his job before his judicial appointment was secure. Syvokin said he did so in part in the interest of his colleagues: three employees worked at the bank branch and the workload and compensation were shared among them. In his view, there was not enough work for three people, so he chose to resign. Asked about the amount of savings at the end of 2018, the candidate said he could not answer precisely.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Syvokin’s acquisition of a land plot. In 2016, he received a 18,795 m² plot in the village of Medvedivka by decision of a local self-government body; his brother received a plot through the same procedure. At that time, the candidate’s father was a member of the local council. A PCIE member asked whether the father participated in the vote on the decision. Syvokin said his father did not vote in situations involving a conflict of interest.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed how the candidate’s wife acquired an apartment. In 2025, she received an apartment as a gift from her mother. Syvokin said his mother-in-law invested in construction in 2020 and received the apartment in 2023. A PCIE member asked about the source of roughly UAH 1 million needed for the purchase. Syvokin said his in-laws had saved for many years, including through maintaining a household plot and subsistence farming. He added that he and his wife could not afford to invest in an apartment purchase, but that they carried out repairs sufficient for living there.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Special attention was also paid to the wife’s lease of office space. From 2021 to 2025 she rented a 13 m² office in Cherkasy, paying UAH 2,500–3,000 per month. Asked whether she was running a business there, Syvokin said his wife had no income-generating activity—otherwise, he said, it would have been reflected in the declarations. He described the office as more of a personal space, because the family lived in a one-room apartment with a child; he said his wife used the office for crafts and storage.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A PCIE member then showed the candidate a screenshot of a TikTok account under the name Iryna Chub (the same surname his wife had before marriage), presenting herself as a beauty specialist in Cherkasy. The screenshot appeared to show the office space and possibly his wife. The candidate was asked to comment on whether he recognized his wife or the rented office, but he could not provide a clear answer.</span></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-three/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Three</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Selection of Judges for the High Anti-Corruption Court: What the Interviews Look Like</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selection-of-judges-for-the-high-anti-corruption-court-what-the-interviews-look-like/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Андрій Боровик]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 02 Mar 2026 14:04:50 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=blog&#038;p=32484</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>For the past two weeks, interviews have been underway with candidates seeking to fill 23 vacant judge positions at the HACC. Candidates are being asked to explain partially declared assets, account for their income, and describe their motivation for becoming judges of the Anti-Corruption Court.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selection-of-judges-for-the-high-anti-corruption-court-what-the-interviews-look-like/">Selection of Judges for the High Anti-Corruption Court: What the Interviews Look Like</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">For the past two weeks, interviews have been underway with candidates seeking to fill 23 vacant judge positions at the HACC. Candidates are being asked to explain partially declared assets, account for their income, and describe their motivation for becoming judges of the Anti-Corruption Court.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HACC is arguably the court most discussed in Ukraine’s information space lately. The public has closely followed high-profile cases of former MPs Oleksandr Onyshchenko and Iryna Kormyshkina, as well as former State Fiscal Service Head Roman Nasirov. More recently, the court has also heard motions on pre-trial interim measures for former Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko, Batkivshchyna parliamentary faction leader Yuliia Tymoshenko, and former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But who is tasked with judging top-level corruption cases—and more besides? And how are these people selected?</span></p>
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			            	The HACC is arguably the court most discussed in Ukraine’s information space lately. But who is tasked with judging top-level corruption cases—and more besides? And how are these people selected?
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			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Anti-Corruption Court competition</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Back in June of last year, the High Qualifications Commission of Judges (HQCJ) </span><a href="https://vkksu.gov.ua/en/news/competition-23-vacant-positions-judges-high-anti-corruption-court-and-its-appeals-chamber"><span style="font-weight: 400;">announced</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the third competition for judicial positions at the HACC. This time, 23 seats are vacant: 13 at HACC (trial court) and 10 in the HACC Appeals Chamber.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A key change is that the selection is now “unified”: candidates </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hqcj-announces-third-competition-for-hacc/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">were allowed to apply</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for both the trial and appellate levels at the same time. Seats in the Appeals Chamber will go to those candidates who applied for both and score the highest during the assessment process.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is worth mentioning why there are so many vacancies across both levels of HACC. The previous competition largely failed. After a lengthy selection process, </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/problems-in-the-second-competition-for-selecting-hacc-judges/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">only two candidates</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> secured the coveted positions, even though there was a need to fill 25 seats. Moreover, expanding HACC’s staffing is one of the requirements for receiving financial assistance under the Ukraine Facility Plan.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the end of last year, we learned the results of the candidates’ practical exam. At that stage of the previous competition, 84% of participants were eliminated. This time, however, 73 out of 85 candidates passed on the second attempt. That means there are now 3.2 candidates per vacant HACC seat—far better than last time, when there were only 0.3 candidates per seat before interviews began.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">And now, for the past two weeks, the most extensive stage of the competition has been underway: interviews with candidates conducted with the participation of the Public Council of International Experts (PCIE) and the HQCJ. So far, 33 interviews have already taken place. Transparency International Ukraine’s experts have been closely monitoring these conversations and have found several key points.</span></p>
<p><b>I should emphasize that interviews focus primarily on problematic aspects of candidates’ backgrounds, so the overall picture may seem more negative than it actually is.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> In addition, the commission does not provide feedback on candidates’ answers, so we can only guess whether the experts found particular explanations satisfactory.</span></p>
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			            	I should emphasize that interviews focus primarily on problematic aspects of candidates’ backgrounds, so the overall picture may seem more negative than it actually is.
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			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What stands out in the interviews?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A new feature of this year’s assessment is that commission members analyzed candidates’ search history in the Unified State Register of Court Decisions (USRCD) under full-access mode. The increased attention to this issue is well-founded: not long ago, the NABU opened </span><a href="https://nabu.gov.ua/news/vykryttia-skhemy-nezakonnogo-dostupu-do-zakrytykh-sudovykh-rishen/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">criminal proceedings</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> over the systematic use of full access by attorneys to deliberately search for information about criminal proceedings and investigative actions. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interviews, PCIE and HQCJ members repeatedly asked some judges and former judicial assistants about searches concerning themselves and people in their close circle. Full access allows them to see personalized decisions, and that raises concerns that closed information could be used for private purposes. This is the first competition in which analysis of search history in the USRCD is a full-fledged element of candidate assessment. For that, the HQCJ and PCIE deserve specific recognition—not only for obtaining the relevant data, but also for integrating its analysis into the evaluation process.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over the first two weeks of interviews, the question was posed to six candidates: Nazar Hryn, Vita Matolych, Dmytro Movchan, Andrii Dudikov, Viktor Antypenko, and Oksana Yevlakh. In particular, Dudikov searched 240 times for information unrelated to his own cases, including 75 searches concerning his sister’s ex-husband. Movchan’s search history has more than 100 requests containing the full name of a person close to him. Candidates’ explanations varied—from professional curiosity to a desire to avoid potential conflicts of interest. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A large share of questions from PCIE and HQCJ members concerned significant underreporting of income and property values in candidates’ asset declarations. For example, attorney Iryna Kuzina reported receiving about UAH 50,000 during her time at Ilyashev &amp; Partners for part of 2015 and for 2016–2017, and she refused to provide information about her income, citing a non-disclosure agreement. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another “record in frugality” came from the family of Associate Professor Oleksandr Ostrohliad. In 2016, his five-person household reportedly spent only UAH 25,600 (about $83 per month), and in 2017—UAH 36,000. The candidate explained that his in-laws paid utilities, while his parents provided food and preserved goods. When asked about the substantial undervaluation of a house Ostrohliad purchased from the son of his academic adviser, he described the property’s neglect: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“The tiles were covered with a layer of pine needles, and chanterelle mushrooms were growing on them.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Despite the modest lifestyle described, the family purchased three new cars from dealerships, and the in-laws became owners of two apartments in a residential complex in central Kyiv. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The integrity of Oleksandr Dudchenko, an associate professor at the Criminal Procedure Department of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University, raised questions due to an unusual income of UAH 1 million from a single retail outlet with a margin of up to 120%, which he closed immediately after receiving the profit. He explained his assets, including a car, housing, and $12,000 in student savings, by citing orphan status, inheritance, help from relatives, and extreme thrift.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for Vita Matolych, a judge of the Nadvirna District Court in Ivano-Frankivsk region, commission members suspected she was using her mother’s undeclared car—the same vehicle in which she was involved in a traffic accident. Her explanation that she spends up to seven hours a day commuting to work by public transportation did not persuade the PCIE and HQCJ experts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another candidate, Yevhen Kapitonov, a judge of the Vilniansk District Court in Zaporizhzhia region, failed to list housing in Vilniansk in his declarations, and—based on the information he provided—appeared to have purchased a Mercedes-Benz from himself. Ultimately, Kapitonov acknowledged these facts and agreed with the Ethics Council of the High Council of Justice’s decision from December 2025 finding that he did not meet the criteria of professional ethics and integrity. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Gifts are another revealing element of candidates’ declarations. For example, in the summer of 2022, a person not close to the family gifted a house in Romny to Oksana Yevlakh, a judge of the Romny City-District Court in Sumy region. That naturally drew the commission’s attention. The candidate explained that her former husband bought the property for her as part of their divorce settlement, and that he had already arranged with the owner to use a deed of gift, despite it being a purchase in substance. In another case, Yevhen Didenko, a judge of the Pryazovske District Court in Zaporizhzhia region, received a house as a gift from his mother valued at UAH 20,000. His mother had purchased it for UAH 193,000, but the candidate could not recall why there was such a difference.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some candidates also showed noticeable gaps in their understanding of legal concepts. Ivan Posokhov, a judge of the Siverskodonetsk City Court in Luhansk region, could not explain the meaning of </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">habeas corpus</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> or the substance of the Anti-Corruption Strategy. Nataliia Doroshenko, a judge of the Rivne District Administrative Court, did not fully understand the concept of a “whistleblower” and how a whistleblower’s reward is determined. Nazar Hryn, a judge of the Saksahanskyi District Court of Kryvyi Rih, could not clearly list corruption-related offenses and gave vague answers about how to distinguish administrative corruption offenses. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Special attention was also paid to some candidates’ prior public actions and decisions. For example, sitting HACC judge Olena Tanasevych, </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?si=OcB1ra_hOsUpBhhp&amp;v=7aG0VhG2kqM&amp;feature=youtu.be"><span style="font-weight: 400;">explaining her participation</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in the so-called “Kivalov party,” attended by people involved in widely known criminal proceedings, emphasized that the event was merely formal. Attorney Dmytro Ostapenko, explaining his vote for Olena Duma as head of the ARMA (a vote he later withdrew after public backlash) said the experience taught him a lesson about the importance of thoroughly verifying information. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Maslov, a sitting HACC judge, faced many questions about an alleged breach of deliberation secrecy in the Onyshchenko case, after which the HACC Appeals Chamber sent it back for a new trial. The panel had remained in deliberations for several months, during which judges attended training events and the congress of judges. Maslov emphasized that physically remaining in the courthouse for that long is impossible, and argued that there was no violation because the judges did not communicate with outsiders and attended only mandatory events.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Attorney Oleksandr Shtifonov had to address a profile on the Pravoved.ru service, where, in September 2014, someone using his name appears to have provided consultations on Russian law. Shtifonov said he was “not aware of such a registration.” However, taken together with trips to occupied Crimea, this raises concern. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There were also candidates who stood out for sheer persistence. For example, Oleh Kimstachov, an assistant to a judge of the HACC Appeals Chamber, is participating in the HACC competition for the third time. His attempt last year ended negatively precisely at the stage involving PCIE assessment. At the time, the candidate apparently failed to dispel well-founded doubts related to the circumstances of his dismissal from a judicial position, his handling of a case involving a fellow judge of the same court, and the origin of funds connected to a cryptocurrency gift he received from his mother. This time, the main question from the experts was straightforward: what, exactly, has changed in the candidate’s explanations and position? Yet we did not hear anything new.</span></p>
<p><b>So, what motivates candidates to go through such a long and difficult competition? </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">That, too, was one of the commission’s questions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Marta-Mariia Yatsynina, a senior lecturer at Ukrainian Catholic University, described her desire as a logical career step, driven by an interest in practical work and a deep academic focus on criminal law and special subjects (public officials). Viktor Antypenko, a judge of the Rokytne District Court in Kyiv region, justified his decision in part by a desire for a “</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">more prestigious profession,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> adding that while working at HACC is much harder, </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“it is offset by a strong benefits package.” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Attorney Oleksandr Shtifonov said his motivation was a desire to be useful to society because as an attorney, he is constrained by the interests of his client.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also telling that Mykola Rubashchenko, an associate professor of criminal law at Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University, is simultaneously participating in a competition for an appellate court in Kharkiv. He candidly said that if he succeeds in both competitions, he would prefer the Kharkiv court, because it is his alma mater and appellate work attracts him with its broader range of cases compared with HACC’s narrow specialization.</span></p>
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			            	A new feature of this year’s assessment is that commission members analyzed candidates’ search history in the Unified State Register of Court Decisions under full-access mode.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Let me reiterate: these types of questions are typical for any competition in which candidates undergo integrity screening. Assets, prior decisions, contacts with the aggressor state—candidates are always asked about all of this, and that is a good thing. What matters is how candidates answer and how they refute the concerns raised.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">More than two weeks of interviews still lie ahead—they will continue until March 17. We can see that members of the competition commission have taken a thorough approach to reviewing and analyzing candidates’ dossiers, and there is no shortage of questions for each candidate. At TI Ukraine, we will continue to monitor the interviews and highlight the key moments. We hope that this time, all 23 vacancies at the High Anti-Corruption Court will finally be filled and that the selected candidates will distinguish themselves by their commitment to the office.</span></p>
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			            	These types of questions are typical for any competition in which candidates undergo integrity screening. What matters is how candidates answer and how they refute the concerns raised.
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			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selection-of-judges-for-the-high-anti-corruption-court-what-the-interviews-look-like/">Selection of Judges for the High Anti-Corruption Court: What the Interviews Look Like</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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