sociology - Transparency International Ukraine

A Call for Systemic Reforms: Will the Authorities Act?

Андрій Боровик — Mon, 29 Sep 2025 13:15:29 +0000

Over the past year, and especially in recent months, at Transparency International Ukraine we have been witnessing attempts to roll back anti-corruption initiatives — something we regularly sound the alarm about at various levels. Countering these attempts has long been my top priority.

When the results of our latest sociological survey on Ukrainians’ perceptions of corruption came in, I was once again convinced that the public’s demand is the exact opposite of what the authorities are doing — or, more precisely, not doing at all.

What did we find?

Three-quarters (73%) of Ukrainians believe corruption can only be defeated through systemic reforms, while more than half (51%) think the government is doing nothing at all to fight it.

But is the government prepared to respond to such a demand? And how can this be done in the midst of a full-scale war? These are questions that require deeper reflection.

Andrii Borovyk

Where does the gap come from?

This was not our first corruption perceptions survey, but this year we chose to examine public sentiment from several angles. After all, relying solely on media reports or politicians’ statements leaves everyone with their own impression.

It will surprise no one that corruption remains a top concern, with 87% of respondents calling it widespread. We thought this figure somewhat inflated, yet such feelings are hardly unusual in a society electrified by the fourth year of war. That impression is reinforced by answers to another question: 44% of people say corruption has increased in the past year, while another 42% say nothing has changed.

Given the lack of zeal with which the government is “implementing” anti-corruption reform, these responses, though discouraging, do not diverge much from our own expectations.

What did surprise us, however, was that only 25% of Ukrainians noticed progress in fighting corruption over the past decade. Another 20% acknowledged both positive and negative developments, while fully 51% said there had been no real changes since the Revolution of Dignity.

How did this happen? How did this perception arise? We certainly have witnessed — and contributed to — significant reforms in this area.

Part of the answer, I believe, lies in our society’s short memory, repeatedly on display during recent elections. War also distorts recollections. It is difficult enough to remember last winter, let alone the pre-war years.

Still, this general assessment of the last decade is an alarming signal, even if not definitive. Perceptions change quickly. Many of the young people who gathered near the Ivan Franko Theater in July likely have little memory of corruption levels in 2015 or earlier. They simply had other concerns at the time.

However, the presence of those who do believe there has been progress offers hope: in five or ten years, many more may recognize real achievements.

The data point that only a third of respondents had ever encountered a bribe request, of whom just 23% admitted to paying, suggests this possibility. In fact, 70% of Ukrainians said they had no such experience at all, and the majority of those who did refused to comply.

It’s great that people have learned to say no in recent years. It reflects growing intolerance toward corruption, an evolution accelerated by years of constant stress. This is progress: not fully realized, perhaps, but visible to those who look at the numbers.

Instead, we see the country’s leaders repeating the same mistakes: claiming corruption does not exist or is exaggerated. Rather than acknowledging concrete problems and communicating real steps, they present near-total denial.

As a result, 72% of Ukrainians treat reports of corruption suspicions with skepticism. They see them as mere PR by law enforcement and assume corrupt officials will simply buy their way out. People expect real punishment — prison terms and confiscation of ill-gotten assets, as 60% of respondents indicated.

No wonder, then, that while society encounters bribery less frequently, it reacts far more sharply to what it does hear or read. With no verifiable successes, compounded by distrust of those tasked with reporting them, half of Ukrainians consider the government inactive in combating corruption.

This is a figure that those on Pechersk Hills and in other state institutions cannot afford to ignore.

With no verifiable successes, compounded by distrust of those tasked with reporting them, half of Ukrainians consider the government inactive in combating corruption.

Andrii Borovyk

Systemic reforms: the only cure

The most striking and encouraging finding is that Ukrainians once again demonstrate remarkable wisdom. They see systemic reforms as the only solution. This is a clear signal: what is being done now is not enough.

Of course, people may interpret “systemic reforms” differently. It is even more likely that some of those Ukrainians who see such reforms as the only right course are themselves not ready for them, since these changes would have to take place at multiple levels, including the one closest to them. But Ukrainians understand that to defeat corruption, government action must be broader, deeper, and more comprehensive.

This raises another question: is our government at any level truly capable of designing and implementing such profound reforms? These require years of effort and must touch virtually every sector; otherwise, they cannot be systemic.

Ukraine has long struggled with long-term change. It demands time and people who are stubborn, motivated, and willing to begin, continue, and complete what was initiated — sometimes even by political rivals.

In Western democracies, this political continuity often exists: new governments continue the effective reforms of their predecessors because they serve the state, not personal ambition.

In Ukraine, unfortunately, this is rare. Too often, every new administration tries to start from scratch, dismantling previous achievements to make way for something supposedly “real.” And all too often, such a “grand” or “genuine” reform boils down merely to passing a law or resolution, or announcing a competition for new appointments — as if that alone were the very change everyone had been waiting for. Of course, that is not enough.

Another side of the problem: how can systemic reforms even begin, let alone succeed, in the fourth year of war?

For now, reforms of any kind have all but stalled. There seems to be no political will, and measures are taken only after insistence from international partners. What can we say about launching truly systemic reforms when even targeted ones already in motion have been stuck for months? Take, for example, Parliament’s failure since June to vote on creating an Advisory Group of Experts to select new members of the Accounting Chamber. The reform of this body was initiated back in the autumn of last year. The process was seemingly started, yet to this day, even the people tasked with choosing new members have not been appointed.

Beyond inertia, reforms must still be designed, implemented, and staffed. Yet qualified professionals were scarce even before the war, and are nearly absent now. Recall how the Cabinet was “renewed” this summer.

Does this mean Ukrainians should not even dream of such changes, given the apparent lack of will, people, and capacity to make them happen? Not at all. Demand always creates supply; those who search will eventually find if only the search begins in earnest.

History shows that in Ukraine, public demands are always met — if necessary, through protest.

Our survey was conducted before the rallies in July defending the independence of the NABU and the SAPO, but it nonetheless revealed the tensions that later spilled into the streets. People today tend to focus on the negative, which is hardly surprising amid constant shelling and grim news from the front.

But that very negativity makes it impossible to cover up or downplay corruption scandals. On the contrary, people perceive them more sharply and react more strongly. Such attitudes ultimately force the authorities back to reality: corruption is not fiction, but a real problem that troubles citizens and requires resolution.

People are waiting for systemic change. They will not tolerate corruption, they do not believe in piles of dollar bills displayed during raids, and they demand actual jail sentences for genuine corrupt officials. They want effective solutions that improve daily life. People want profound change and justice. Which means, sooner or later, those changes will come — through collective effort, and with real results.

People want profound change and justice. Which means, sooner or later, those changes will come — through collective effort, and with real results.

Andrii Borovyk

The post A Call for Systemic Reforms: Will the Authorities Act? first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

How Ukrainians Perceive Reconstruction, Corruption, and European Integration – A Public Opinion Poll

Віка Карпінська — Wed, 24 Sep 2025 07:31:36 +0000

Transparency International Ukraine has presented the results of the third wave of a sociological survey conducted by the research agency Info Sapiens.

The study consists of three parts, each of which comprehensively examines Ukrainians’ perceptions of corruption, reconstruction, and European integration.

Perception of reconstruction

The current state of reconstruction satisfies 40% of Ukrainians, and more than a third have already seen the results of recovery projects. At the same time, corruption in future reconstruction remains one of the public’s greatest concerns.

According to the survey, one in three adult Ukrainians knows of or has personally seen examples of completed reconstruction. Among them, the vast majority (74%) are satisfied with the results.

The most visible reconstruction processes are in Kyiv (50% of respondents pointed to this), in the East (42%), and in the South (41%). By contrast, in the West and Center, the figures are significantly lower — 24% and 23% respectively.

When it comes to financing reconstruction, respondents believe the greatest role has been played by Ukrainian authorities: 55% say that recovery projects are implemented thanks to local self-government bodies, and 20% — thanks to central executive authorities. Ukrainians also highlight the significant contribution of the international community (40%), as well as volunteers and civil society (27%).

Every fifth Ukrainian has property damaged by the war. The highest share of affected people is in Eastern Ukraine — 60% report losses there — while the lowest is in the West, at 7%. In terms of damaged property, real estate accounts for the greatest losses, mentioned by 17% of Ukrainians.

The total value of damages is estimated by victims as follows: up to UAH 50,000 — 23%, UAH 51,000–300,000 — 19%, more than UAH 300,000 — 32%, with 10% of respondents reporting damages exceeding UAH 3 million.

Notably, compared with November 2023, the share of respondents with the smallest losses (up to UAH 100,000) has declined, while the number of Ukrainians with losses above UAH 300,000 has increased.

As in autumn 2023, most of those affected have not applied for compensation, citing the state’s more urgent wartime priorities (35%), while one in four among those who did not apply said they did not believe they would receive it. Among the 40% of affected citizens who did apply for compensation, 33% have already received it.

Sixty-five percent of respondents consider corruption in reconstruction processes to be widespread or rather widespread. The stages deemed most vulnerable to corruption by two-thirds of respondents are the distribution of international and budget funds (65%), monitoring and reporting on resource use (63%), and tendering (61%).

As in March 2023, when asked to choose between different planning horizons for reconstruction, most Ukrainians lean towards decisions promising the fastest results and focusing on reconstruction here and now.

A positive sign is the relative decline in fears and concerns about reconstruction — levels have dropped by 7 to 17 percentage points across almost all categories. The most common concerns remain lack of proper oversight (62%) and the possible return of corrupt schemes (61%). Meanwhile, 56% are worried about lack of security guarantees and renewed hostilities.

Perception of corruption

Despite the high level of perceptions of corruption as a problem among Ukrainians, only 30% of citizens reported that they or members of their families personally encountered corrupt practices over the past year. Of these, only 23% agreed to engage in the proposed corrupt exchange, while 68% refused.

The survey underscored the relevance of the corruption issue, as the vast majority of Ukrainians perceive corruption as a widespread phenomenon — 87% of respondents. Although this perception is shared across all age cohorts, older individuals (65+) expressed the most critical assessments, with 90% identifying corruption as widespread. By contrast, among youth under 24, the share was somewhat lower — 81%.

How Ukrainians perceive the problem of corruption

As in 2023, the main challenges for Ukrainians today remain Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine, corruption, and the destruction of infrastructure. Compared to data from two years ago, however, the salience of corruption as a problem has slightly declined — 81% now versus 88% in November 2023.

Assessments of corruption dynamics are divided: 44% of respondents believe that its level has increased, 42% consider it unchanged, and only 7% are convinced that it has decreased compared to the previous year. Reports of rising corruption were more common among rural residents (50%), while in medium-sized and large cities this proportion was lower.

A total of 89% of respondents consider political corruption to be a particularly serious problem, 81% identify business corruption as serious, and only 63% perceive petty or everyday corruption as very or somewhat serious.

At the same time, more than half of Ukrainians (51%) consider the authorities inactive in addressing corruption, and nearly three-quarters (73%) believe that it can only be overcome through systemic reforms. Notably, only 29% positively evaluate the work of anti-corruption institutions, while 38% disagree with such an assessment. Almost half of respondents (48%) regard Prozorro as an effective instrument for reducing corruption, while 27% do not share this view.

A pervasive belief in the inevitability of bribes persists: 55% agree that “nothing can be achieved without them,” and overall, respondents are more likely to reject the notion that issues in public institutions can be resolved without resorting to bribery.

Personal experience and attitudes toward corruption

Despite high levels of perceived corruption overall, only 30% of Ukrainians reported that they or their family members personally encountered corrupt practices during the past year. Among these, about a quarter complied with a corrupt demand, while 7% reported experiencing an attempted bribe solicitation.

Attitudes toward corrupt practices remain ambivalent: nearly half of Ukrainians are convinced that bribery can never be justified, while 23% report that they would always or in most cases ju

Media coverage of corruption

Two-thirds (67%) of respondents believe that the media significantly downplay the scale of corruption in Ukraine. Twenty percent consider media coverage accurate, and only 7% think the extent of corruption is exaggerated in the Ukrainian press.

tify corruption. Those who tolerate “petty corruption” most frequently justify bribes in exchange for better services in state-run medical institutions (53%) or educational institutions (35%). Remarkably, only 15% of those who tolerate corruption admitted the possibility of offering a bribe to avoid mobilization.

Most often, citizens report encountering media coverage of searches, suspicions, and detentions. Forty-one percent mentioned reports of criminal proceedings being opened, while only one in five recalled coverage of court verdicts or legislative changes. Just 13% reported seeing media materials on reforms, which are considered the key to overcoming corruption.

Overall, 72% of Ukrainians are skeptical of news about apprehended officials accused of corruption. Most respondents assume such reports reflect mere PR efforts by law enforcement agencies or that suspects will ultimately “buy their way out.” Only 15% of respondents expressed satisfaction with the delivery of justice upon reading such news.

Importantly, more than half of respondents (60%) consider the most significant indicator of effective anti-corruption efforts to be the number of officials actually punished, including imprisonment or asset confiscation. However, only 30% of Ukrainians reported hearing about cases of punished officials over the past year, and these respondents were more likely to believe in progress in combating corruption and in institutional effectiveness.

Perception of European integration

The highest levels of support for European integration are demonstrated by residents of Kyiv, as well as western and northern regions. At the same time, most citizens are generally aware of both the advantages and the disadvantages of Ukraine’s accession process.

A clear majority of Ukrainians (86%) consider themselves informed about the EU accession process. Of these, 25% report being well or very well informed, while another 61% indicate a certain level of knowledge of the issue.

As a result, 74% of citizens support Ukraine’s accession to the European Union. The strongest support is observed among residents of Kyiv (82%), the western (80%), northern (78%), and central (76%) regions. By contrast, support levels are somewhat lower in the south (69%) and east (64%). Currently, 6% of Ukrainians oppose EU accession, while 18% remain undecided.

The most frequently cited expectations from EU membership are a better future for children (65%), peace (60%), economic growth (60%), improved living standards and quality of life (59%), and greater employment opportunities (58%). Also, 55% of respondents believe that integration with the EU will help combat corruption in Ukraine, while 54% are convinced that EU membership will foster adherence to the rule of law. Only 2% of Ukrainians see no benefits at all from European integration.

Among the main concerns regarding EU accession, respondents cited outflow of young people (48%), exploitation of natural resources (35%), immigration (31%), and increased bureaucracy (30%). Notably, 30% of respondents still identify potential deterioration of relations with Russia as a negative consequence of Ukraine’s integration into the EU, while 11% believe that the EU itself has no future. Overall, however, respondents associate EU membership with more advantages than disadvantages — 8% report seeing no disadvantages at all.

Forty-two percent of respondents remain optimistic about Ukraine’s accession prospects, believing the process will take up to five years. Nearly one-quarter (22%) estimate the timeline at between 6 and 10 years, while 12% are convinced that Ukraine will never obtain EU membership.

The survey was conducted by the research agency Info Sapiens on behalf of Transparency International Ukraine in June–July 2025. The sample included 1,015 respondents, representative by gender, age, locality type and size, and macro-region across government-controlled territories of Ukraine. Data collection method: telephone interviews (CATI).

This is already the third wave of the survey: Transparency International Ukraine previously presented results in June and December 2023.

This publication was prepared by Transparency International Ukraine with the financial support of Sweden.

The post How Ukrainians Perceive Reconstruction, Corruption, and European Integration – A Public Opinion Poll first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

Three Quarters of Ukrainians Support Ukraine’s Accession to the European Union

TI Ukraine — Tue, 23 Sep 2025 06:01:23 +0000

These findings were presented by Transparency International Ukraine in the third wave of a sociological survey. This is the third part of a large-scale public opinion survey conducted by the research agency Info Sapiens at the request of Transparency International Ukraine, focusing on corruption, recovery, and European integration.

“The survey showed that Ukrainians approach European integration processes both thoroughly and critically. Importantly, when identifying the benefits and drawbacks of EU membership, citizens focus not only on issues that affect them personally — such as employment opportunities, education, or healthcare — but also on broader national issues, including the fight against corruption, security, and economic growth. It is especially encouraging that, after weighing these factors, people still overwhelmingly support EU accession. They also remain highly optimistic, believing that Ukraine will join the European family within the next five years — and this expectation is shared not only by the younger generation, but by much older citizens as well,” commented Andrii Borovyk, Executive Director of TI Ukraine.

This is already the third wave of the survey: Transparency International Ukraine previously presented results in June and December 2023.

This publication was prepared by Transparency International Ukraine with the financial support of Sweden.

The survey showed that Ukrainians approach European integration processes both thoroughly and critically. Importantly, when identifying the benefits and drawbacks of EU membership, citizens focus not only on issues that affect them personally, but also on broader national issues, including the fight against corruption, security, and economic growth.

Andrii Borovyk

The post Three Quarters of Ukrainians Support Ukraine’s Accession to the European Union first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

One in Three Ukrainians Has Personally Encountered Bribe Demands

TI Ukraine — Tue, 09 Sep 2025 09:30:49 +0000

These findings were presented by Transparency International Ukraine in the third wave of a sociological survey. This constitutes the second part of a large-scale public opinion study conducted by the research agency Info Sapiens commissioned by Transparency International Ukraine, focusing on corruption, reconstruction, and European integration.

The survey underscored the relevance of the corruption issue, as the vast majority of Ukrainians perceive corruption as a widespread phenomenon — 87% of respondents. Although this perception is shared across all age cohorts, older individuals (65+) expressed the most critical assessments, with 90% identifying corruption as widespread. By contrast, among youth under 24, the share was somewhat lower — 81%.

The survey underscored the relevance of the corruption issue, as the vast majority of Ukrainians perceive corruption as a widespread phenomenon — 87% of respondents.

More than half of Ukrainians (51%) consider the authorities inactive in addressing corruption, and nearly three-quarters (73%) believe that it can only be overcome through systemic reforms.

Personal experience and attitudes toward corruption

Attitudes toward corrupt practices remain ambivalent: nearly half of Ukrainians are convinced that bribery can never be justified, while 23% report that they would always or in most cases justify corruption. Those who tolerate “petty corruption” most frequently justify bribes in exchange for better services in state-run medical institutions (53%) or educational institutions (35%). Remarkably, only 15% of those who tolerate corruption admitted the possibility of offering a bribe to avoid mobilization.

“Corruption remains one of the key societal problems; at the same time, Ukrainians do not believe in the real effectiveness of anti-corruption efforts. This creates a serious gap: the public demand for justice is growing, but emotionally, people feel disappointed and skeptical. Ukrainians know little about the achievements already made, so the absence of information is often perceived as a lack of progress. It is important not only to counteract corrupt practices but also to communicate the results of this struggle effectively,” noted Anastasiia Mazurok, Chief Operating Officer of Transparency International Ukraine.

Corruption remains one of the key societal problems; at the same time, Ukrainians do not believe in the real effectiveness of anti-corruption efforts. This creates a serious gap: the public demand for justice is growing, but emotionally, people feel disappointed and skeptical.

Anastasiia Mazurok

Media coverage of corruption

“Our research shows that systemic changes must now be implemented with double effort, through measures that would demonstrate real progress toward a corruption-free society. During wartime, any corruption observed by citizens is amplified at the level of perception. Thus, corrupt practices will only become more visible, and public reactions — more intense. As a result, social cohesion decreases and public emotions intensify. The demand for systemic reforms has been clearly articulated, and Ukrainians expect them,” commented Andrii Borovyk, Executive Director of Transparency International Ukraine.

The survey was conducted by the research agency Info Sapiens on behalf of Transparency International Ukraine in June–July 2025. The sample included 1,015 respondents, representative by gender, age, settlement type and size, and macro-region across government-controlled territories of Ukraine. Data collection method: telephone interviews (CATI).

This is already the third wave of the survey: Transparency International Ukraine previously presented results in June and December 2023.

This publication was prepared by Transparency International Ukraine with the financial support of Sweden.

During wartime, any corruption observed by citizens is amplified at the level of perception. Thus, corrupt practices will only become more visible, and public reactions — more intense. As a result, social cohesion decreases and public emotions intensify. The demand for systemic reforms has been clearly articulated, and Ukrainians expect them.

Andrii Borovyk

The post One in Three Ukrainians Has Personally Encountered Bribe Demands first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

Ukrainians on Courts: We Don’t Know Them but Don’t Trust Them

Анастасія Мазурок — Mon, 22 Jul 2019 07:20:55 +0000

“Let the people decide who is to become the judge,” says one of the MP candidates.

Hmm. What an interesting idea, say we. In such a case the judges will be appointed by those for whom the main source of information, trust or mistrust towards judges comes from the media and friends’ or acquaintances’ opinions.

What do the Ukrainian people think about courts?

The opinion poll carried out by Razumkov Centre Sociological Service together with Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation on behalf of the Center of Policy and Legal Reform with the EU sponsorship within the “Strengthening the Role of Civil Society in Facilitating Democratic Reforms and Increasing Accountability, Responsibility, and Quality of Government” project provides a valuable insight into the question.

Have the Ukrainians had the first-hand experience of how the judicial system works? – No (66% don’t have any experience, against 9% of those with personal experience and 25% acquaintance’s experience).

Do they have any knowledge about the current judicial reform? – Again, no (57% have no knowledge, against 40% of those who have some knowledge and 3% of those who have profound knowledge).

Do the Ukrainians trust the courts? – Definitely not (75% don’t trust against 14% of those who do).

All right then, what does influence the Ukrainians’ level of trust in courts, provided that only one in three Ukrainians had first or second-hand experience with the courts while as many as two in three have no trust in the system?

Evidently, 25% are predominantly influenced by the media, i.e. journalists’ and bloggers’ publications. Additionally, 20% are judging by their relatives’ and friends’ experience, and the judges’ verdicts have an impact on 18%. The information on such court rulings, however, still comes from the media.

What is the people’s take on solving the issues with the courts? What could, in their opinion, increase the level of trust to the courts?

First and foremost, it could be achieved by holding the corrupt judges criminally accountable (63%) and ridding the judiciary of the unscrupulous judges (63%). Consequently, it raises the issue of who is to evaluate the degree of unethical conduct and accountability efficacy and determine the just punishment, etc. And for 37% the level of trust will increase if the system eliminates the mutual cover-ups and implements immediate response of the relevant authorities to the judges’ misconduct. How the citizens will get to know about it and how they will be evaluating the “promptness” of the said response remains the question.

In line with the modern political trend of “starting with a clean slate”, almost half of the Ukrainians (43,5%) think the judicial reform should be started from scratch. 23% respond that the country should see through the implementation of the current reform and 25% are unable to meaningfully evaluate the current developments in the judicial reform process.

Approximately 13% of the Ukrainians have a positive response to the results achieved by the reform while 60% have a negative one. Nearly 12% saw the isolated instances of positive changes in the judges’ moral conduct and independent status of the judiciary.

40% of the citizens support the establishment of the High Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine which recently saw the appointment of its judges and which is expected to be launched on September 5, while 12% do not back it. The rest either don’t know or don’t understand its objectives and purpose behind its creation. The same results are observed in the question of the support for the High Court on Intellectual Property.

How to make sense out of it all?

One needs to understand that the citizens’ evaluations of institutions and reforms, which they have no first-hand experience with, is more of a marker of trust. The numbers reflect the sense of the society’s satisfaction with the conditions it exists in rather than the institutional subject of the polling. In this case – the judges.
Communication is key. We need to communicate frankly, coherently, systematically, making the main processes clear, explaining the decision-making mechanisms, taking into consideration the comprehension barriers. Explain who wins and who loses, highlighting the facts, statistics, expert opinions. Preferably involving the people with high credibility.
By not looking at the issue of citizens’ mistrust in the judiciary system separately but viewing it as an integral part of the mechanism ensuring the rule of law within the country. Professional evaluation of the judges’ performance should be left to the professionals, the citizens’ opinions should be considered as markers of the level of the society’s health and vitality of the bodies guaranteeing its smooth functioning.

Finally, one should remember that the sentiments reflected in the poll mirror the Ukrainians’ ambiance. In our previous articles, we mentioned the currently observed increase in criticism of the former governments and the wave of unfounded optimism in the society. However, such peaks of optimism wane afterward.

What is the people’s take on solving the issues with the courts? What could, in their opinion, increase the level of trust to the courts?

First and foremost, it could be achieved by holding the corrupt judges criminally accountable (63%) and ridding the judiciary of the unscrupulous judges (63%).

Anastasiia Mazurok, Head of M&E

The post Ukrainians on Courts: We Don’t Know Them but Don’t Trust Them first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

Ukrainians Consider Anti-Corruption Reform Most Important — research

Наталія Сліпенко — Fri, 05 Jul 2019 09:41:47 +0000

63% of Ukrainians believe that the anti-corruption reform should be a priority to implement.

According to the nationwide survey held by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation together with the sociological service of Razumkov Center, Ukrainian citizens have the following priorities.

The absolute majority of respondents — 63% — believe that anti-corruption activity is urgent. This is followed by the healthcare reform — 57%, the pension reform — 52%, the reform of law enforcement agencies, courts and prosecution — 37%, and clearing the ranks of public officials — 32%.

Interestingly, the regional distribution of these priorities is uneven. In the West and in the South, more than two thirds of the population consider the anti-corruption reform to be the most important one, while less than half the population of the Eastern regions shares this vision.

Overall, in the West, people attach a lot more importance to the anti-corruption reform (76.5%) and reforming the army (32%), and less importance to social reforms. In the East, however, the absolute leaders are the healthcare reform (62%) and the pension reform (58%); people also remember the need to rebuild the Donbas area controlled by the government – this was expressed by 31% of respondents in the South ad 29% in the East.

How do Ukrainians understand the idea of reforms?

Of course, everyone has his or her own idea of what reforms mean. But the research evidently demonstrates Ukrainians’ urgent need for change.

“These are the five key reforms that should obviously serve as the primary subject at pre-elections debates,” said Head of the Democratic Initiatives Foundation Iryna Bekeshkina.

The nationwide survey has been held by the Democratic Initiatives Foundation together with the sociological service of Razumkov Center as part of the MATRA project of the Embassy of the Kingdom of Netherlands in Ukraine between 13 and 20 June.

The results have been analyzed by Head of M&E at TI Ukraine Anastasiia Mazurok.

The post Ukrainians Consider Anti-Corruption Reform Most Important — research first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

Ukrainians Value Ability to Implement Change the Most

Наталія Сліпенко — Mon, 10 Jun 2019 12:36:24 +0000

Between 29 May and 3 June, Rating Sociological Group held a monitoring study of social and political attitudes among Ukrainians. What do they want from the Parliament?’

The most important things that Ukrainians pointed out are the ability to implement change (47%) and the ability to get the country in order (30%). Among the top requirements was also the party’s ability to counter corruption – this point was important for 19% of the respondents.

The fight against corruption is viewed as an integral part of the entire process of systemic irreversible change.

Evidently, this social demand for changes and new faces is a somewhat simplified umbrella hope covering the expectation of improvement in all aspects of life. Some Ukrainians prioritize getting richer, others care primarily about access to education or healthcare, others are interested in social services or proper functioning of the market. There is also a demand for all this change to be fast and radical.

Ukrainians Want Improvements and Believe in Them

Overall, the number of people convinced that Ukraine is moving in the right direction is falling. As recently as March 2019, this group constituted 66%, while now the share has dropped almost by half – to 37%. The shares of people who believe the country is moving in the right direction and those who find it difficult to answer the question are about the same – 34% and 29% respectively. This means that we are in the midst of a situation where the society is divided into three equally big groups: pessimistic, optimistic and undecided. The situation is unique and can be observed for the first time in the 8 years since the monitoring started.

Another important thing is that this distribution is characteristic of all the regions of Ukraine. The lowest share of optimistic people is in the East – 28%, with 43% of citizens in this region believing that our country is going in the wrong direction.

It is typical of Ukraine and of other countries as well that following elections there is a boost of optimism, expectations and hopes. We already observed this same trend in 2014 after the Revolution of Dignity, with a sharp rise in optimism following immediately afterwards only to drop rapidly just half a year later. So it is very probable that the current positive attitudes will inevitably lead to disappointments in the future. The question is only about the extent of these fluctuations, and the maximum and minimum points.

Written by: Anastasiia Mazurok, Head of M&E

The fight against corruption is viewed as an integral part of the entire process of systemic irreversible change.

Anastasiia Mazurok, Head of M&E

The post Ukrainians Value Ability to Implement Change the Most first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

Corrupt Officials Mostly Get Fines – Research

Наталія Сліпенко — Thu, 23 May 2019 15:23:50 +0000

In the summer of 2018, Kyiv Institute of Sociology held the National Anti-Corruption Survey, which revealed that almost all Ukrainians (94%) consider corruption a serious problem. The most significant reason as perceived by Ukrainians is the absence of adequate punishment for corruption (80%). The majority of Ukrainians (58%) believe that inevitability of punishment can make sure that corruption prevention and counteraction are effective.

Speaking about punishment, Ukrainians usually mean convictions, real prison sentences, fines and confiscations – real consequences that directly impact the perpetrator. The research shows that most Ukrainians consider the current situation with punishment insufficient.

How does the Ukrainian judicial system punish perpetrators of corruption?

To analyze the objective situation with punishment, the Ukrainian Center of Social Data held a major study together with the Center of Democracy and Rule of Law, reviewing more than 36,000 judicial decisions over 2014-2018. Representatives of the Center found out that the number of court decisions in corruption-related cases is growing every year. In 2014, there were 1816 such decisions, and in 2018 – already 2516, almost 1.5 times as many. There is thus no reason to claim that there is a negative dynamics with judicial examination of corruption-related cases in Ukraine.

However, the issue with quality of these decisions emerges.

Overall, during the past five years, the punishment in half the corruption-related cases was a fine, and only 10% of cases resulted in convictions. 24% of defendants were relieved of punishment (through acquittals, active repentance, release on bail etc.).

Between 2014 and 2018, 416 court verdicts with real prison sentences were delivered. The longest imprisonment was 10 years, but usually, those guilty of corruption were convicted for up to 5 years in prison.

At the same time, over this period, there is a tendency for more cases ending in fines and active punishment and fewer – ending in imprisonment.

Over 60% of cases with court verdicts concern crimes with undue benefits for a total amount of less than UAH 10,000. It means that the majority of cases deal with relatively small-scale bribery, rather than high-profile and systemic corruption. This, in its turn, leads to the fact that much fewer Ukrainians know about these decisions in the first place and thus they cannot observe positive dynamics.

Researchers confirmed that the amount of fine does not always correlate with the amount of bribe received. According to the research, the bigger the bribe, the more “cost effective” it is, since the amount of the fine will be much smaller than the amount received as a bribe. It is often stipulated by legislative provisions; however, it cannot be said that this approach is truly fair.

The average amount of fine for corruption-related violations in 2014-2018 was UAH 16,666, minimal – UAH 510, and maximum – UAH 200,000.

3246 cases were identified with the amount of undue benefit directly stated. The total amount of bribes received in this cases exceeded UAH 72 million, with the total amount of fines imposed in the first instance court being slightly over UAH 36 million.

Thus, investigation of corruption-related violations is ongoing, but the effect is often not as impressive as the society expects. Moreover, research has confirmed that a major bribe is still beneficial to the recipient even if he or she pays a fine ruled by the court. All these facts attest to the need for balanced, efficient and systematic punishment for corruption-related criminal violations, and the need for the judicial reform. This, in its turn, raises the bar for the newly created High Anti-Corruption Court.

Written by: Anastasiia Mazurok, Head of M&E at TI Ukraine

Over 60% of cases with court verdicts concern crimes with undue benefits for a total amount of less than UAH 10,000.

The post Corrupt Officials Mostly Get Fines – Research first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.

Dynamics of Corruption in Ukrainians’ Lives over 10 Years

Анастасія Мазурок — Tue, 14 May 2019 09:06:30 +0000

Our colleague, head of the M&E department Anastasiia Mazurok, regularly publishes reviews of social studies on her Facebook page. Here is one about corruption.

Of course, I couldn’t leave out the subject of corruption. Though, you would think, maybe it’s not that obvious, given how Ukrainians will probably soon be allergic to this very word. Any failure, problem or reasoning behind reforms can be put down to this phenomenon.

But this will not be about corruption among officials, and not about corruption in the high ranks. Today, we will be talking about corruption in our everyday life.

During 11 years (between 2007 and 2018), the share of people who personally encountered corruption or had family members who personally encountered corruption reduced by 25%: from 67% to 42%.

During the past five years, the share of people who believe a bribe is justifiable when a personally important issue is at stake has reduced from 37% to 13%. These data indirectly attest to the fact that people are tolerating corruption less.

However, no more than 12.5% Ukrainians claim they are ready to take any anti-corruption action, even something as minimal as report it to the media, and only 4% actually do it. 6% to 9% are ready to take other action, but only about 2% do it.

What does it mean?

Even though corruption as a problem permeates most aspects of life, even though you hear about it from everywhere, even though when you hear corruption you think about high-ranking corruption first, in real life, Ukrainians actually see positive change.

Often, this change is not due to their own effort, but because of civil society organizations, local and national authorities, law enforcement agencies, reform implementation etc.

Of course, there are still numerous problems which I haven’t mentioned here, but I would rather not focus on fails right now.

The post Dynamics of Corruption in Ukrainians’ Lives over 10 Years first appeared on Transparency International Ukraine.