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	<title>Новини - Transparency International Ukraine</title>
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		<title>How much does a square meter of reconstruction cost in Borodianka?</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-much-does-a-square-meter-of-reconstruction-cost-in-borodianka/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Наталія Іжицька]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 11 Mar 2026 12:02:33 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>DOZORRO experts analyzed how much it costs to build new housing as part of the government’s pilot project on comprehensive recovery and how these figures compare with commercial housing prices.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-much-does-a-square-meter-of-reconstruction-cost-in-borodianka/">How much does a square meter of reconstruction cost in Borodianka?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In April 2023, Ukraine launched a government pilot project on the </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/blog/bez-suttyevogo-progresu-ta-z-tumannimi-perspektivami-eksperimentalnij-proyekt-kompleksnoyi-vidbudovi"><span style="font-weight: 400;">comprehensive recovery</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of localities that had suffered the greatest destruction as a result of Russian aggression. Its goal was not merely to rebuild individual buildings, but to rethink the very approach to recovery through integrated planning, infrastructure upgrades, and the transformation of affected towns and villages.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Six localities were included in the pilot project. Among them was the settlement of Borodianka in the Kyiv region, which lay along one of the routes used by Russian troops in the first weeks of the full-scale war. </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the second year of the pilot, the government twice revised the list of recovery sites. Their number more than doubled, reaching 77. The updated list additionally included the repair and reconstruction of 32 apartment buildings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The construction of new housing is the focus of this analysis. Earlier, the DOZORRO team had already </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/blog/skilki-koshtuye-kvadratnij-metr-vidbudovi"><span style="font-weight: 400;">examined how much a square meter of reconstruction costs</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the budget in three regions of the country. DOZORRO also analyzed the case of Zhytomyr and calculated the cost of building </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/blog/zhitomirskij-lyuks-yak-u-misti-zvodyat-socialne-zhitlo-dlya-vpo-za-cinoyu-premialnih-zhk-kiyeva-ta-odesi"><span style="font-weight: 400;">social housing there for internally displaced persons</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> with grant funding.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This time, we decided to examine how much a square meter of new housing construction costs within the government’s pilot project on comprehensive recovery. In particular, we wanted to see whether these expenditures appear justified when compared with apartment prices on the commercial market.</span></p>
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<h1><span style="font-weight: 400;">Seven buildings from scratch</span></h1>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2024–2025, </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/search/tender?tender.start=2024-01-01&amp;tender.end=2025-12-31&amp;text=%D0%9D%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B5+%D0%B1%D1%83%D0%B4%D1%96%D0%B2%D0%BD%D0%B8%D1%86%D1%82%D0%B2%D0%BE+%D0%B1%D0%B0%D0%B3%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%BE%D0%BA%D0%B2%D0%B0%D1%80%D1%82%D0%B8%D1%80%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE+%D0%B6%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE+%D0%B1%D1%83%D0%B4%D0%B8%D0%BD%D0%BA%D1%83+%D0%BF%D0%BE+%D0%B2%D1%83%D0%BB+%D0%A6%D0%B5%D0%BD%D1%82%D1%80%D0%B0%D0%BB%D1%8C%D0%BD%D1%96%D0%B9&amp;value.start=80000000&amp;value.end=&amp;region=1-6&amp;status=complete"><span style="font-weight: 400;">seven tenders</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for the construction of new apartment buildings in Borodianka were announced through the Prozorro system. They are to be built on the sites of residential buildings destroyed by the Russians and completed by the end of 2026. The contracting authorities for these projects are the Recovery and Infrastructure Development Service in Kyiv Region and the Department of Regional Development of the Kyiv Regional State Administration.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Of the seven sites, two are nine-story buildings located at 359 and 353 Tsentralna Street. Another, at 427-A Tsentralna Street, is eight stories high. Three seven-story buildings are being constructed at 371, 326, and 324 Tsentralna Street. The building with the fewest floors is a six-story one at 340 Tsentralna Street.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Together, these buildings are expected to provide housing for 421 families. The largest one, at 359 Tsentralna Street, is designed for 105 apartments, while the smallest, at 340 Tsentralna Street, will contain only 20 apartments.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The apartments are to be handed over to residents with basic finishing. Tile will be laid on the floors and walls in kitchens, hallways, and bathrooms, while living rooms will have laminate flooring and wallpaper. In addition, kitchens will be equipped with stoves and sinks, and bathrooms with toilets, washbasins, and bathtubs. All buildings will also include shelters.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Six of the seven projects include non-residential premises for public utilities and commercial facilities. For example, according to </span><a href="https://suspilne.media/1170692-zolota-glina-i-40-nezitlovih-plos-ak-vidbudovuut-odin-iz-najdorozcih-budinkiv-u-borodanci/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Suspilne</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, 869 square meters in the eight-story building at 427-A Tsentralna Street will be allocated, at the request of the Borodianka Settlement Council, for a social assistance center and two shops.</span></p>
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<h1><span style="font-weight: 400;">Cost per square meter</span></h1>
<h3><b>Why simple division does not work</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At first, we planned to calculate the cost per square meter using the approach we normally apply: subtract the cost of the shelter and other project-specific components from the total construction cost, then divide the result by the total apartment area. This is the same methodology we previously used when analyzing the construction of social housing for internally displaced persons in Zhytomyr.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, we ran into problems almost immediately. The design documentation </span><b>did not include separate cost estimates for shelter construction.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> In addition, for one of the buildings—at 427-A Tsentralna Street—the total construction cost also included demolition work. As a result, we could not simply “subtract the extras” and apply that methodology.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To sort out the details, we began sending requests to the contracting authorities. We asked them to explain exactly how much shelter construction cost for each building and, in one case, to provide the demolition costs separately. This process turned out to be lengthy and, frankly, exhausting. Some of the responses were general in nature: the contracting authorities explained that the shelter was part of the building and that its cost had not been itemized separately in the estimate. In other cases, they provided a notional amount calculated as a certain percentage of the total project cost. However, our analysis was based on the actual prices in the signed contracts. That means the cost of shelters could have changed during the procurement process. Because there was no uniform approach in the documentation, we were ultimately unable to obtain equally precise data for all sites.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As a result, it became clear that calculating the cost per square meter using the methodology applied in the Zhytomyr case was simply impossible here. Despite all efforts to clarify figures and match the answers, received data remained too inconsistent.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, almost all the buildings include </span><b>substantial non-residential space</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which directly affects the overall construction cost even though it is not housing. Because of this, the simple ratio of “total cost / residential area” inevitably distorts the real cost per square meter.</span></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><b>Address</b></td>
<td><b>Contract, UAH million</b></td>
<td><b>Adjusted contract, UAH million</b></td>
<td><b>Additional agreement, UAH million</b></td>
<td><b>Additional agreement, UAH million</b></td>
<td><b>Total construction cost, UAH million</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">359 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-03-17-009935-a?lot_id=c05b9755437e4836a66af549e538a7b2#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">285.7</span></a></td>
<td></td>
<td></td>
<td></td>
<td><b>285.7</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">353 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/contract/UA-2025-03-17-006301-a-a2/changes"><span style="font-weight: 400;">258.5</span></a></td>
<td></td>
<td></td>
<td></td>
<td><b>258.5</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">427-A Tsentralna</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-01-29-018623-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">396.9</span></a></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">315.5 </span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/contract/UA-2025-11-28-004844-a-c1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">122.4</span></a></td>
<td></td>
<td><b>437.9</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">371 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-04-14-013524-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">280.1</span></a></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">277.5</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/contract/UA-2025-12-27-002590-a-c1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">23.4</span></a></td>
<td></td>
<td><b>300.9</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">326 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-12-06-014175-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">123.2</span></a></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">122.7</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-10-06-013165-a?oldVersion=true"><span style="font-weight: 400;">30.4</span></a></td>
<td></td>
<td><b>153.1</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">324 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-12-06-014254-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">125.2</span></a></td>
<td></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/contract/UA-2025-12-27-002410-a-a1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">61.9</span></a></td>
<td></td>
<td><b>187.1</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">340 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/contract/UA-2025-01-21-020144-a-b1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">81.9</span></a></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">16.8 </span></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/contract/UA-2025-10-27-003136-a-b1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">11.9</span></a></td>
<td><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-12-02-018959-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">77.2</span></a></td>
<td><b>105.9</b></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><b>A different formula, different results</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That is why, for this analysis, we applied a different formula. It is not perfect, but it allows us to reduce these projects to a common denominator and at least approximately compare them with one another and with market indicators. To do this, we included not only the contracts for the direct construction of the buildings, but also other related agreements from Prozorro—for design, author’s supervision, technical supervision, and connection to utility networks. We combined all of these into one total project cost. We then compared that total with the apartment area to determine what share of the funds effectively went toward housing. After that, we divided the resulting figure by the total apartment area and thus calculated a notional cost per square meter.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Project cost * apartment area / Total area = Apartment cost</span></i></p>
<table>
<tbody>
<tr>
<td><b>Address</b></td>
<td><b>Total project cost, UAH million</b></td>
<td><b>Floors</b></td>
<td><b>Apartments</b></td>
<td><b>Non-residential area, m²</b></td>
<td><b>Total area, m²</b></td>
<td><b>Apartment area, m²</b></td>
<td><b>Apartment cost, UAH million</b></td>
<td><b>Notional apartment cost per sq.m, UAH thousand</b></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">359 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">290.8</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">9</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">105</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">1331</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">9777</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">6700</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">199</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">30</span></td>
</tr>
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<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">353 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">264</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">9</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">103</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">1478</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">10567</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">6591</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">165</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">25</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">427-A Tsentralna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">411.7</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">8</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">58</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">3872</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">9607</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">4402</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">189</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">43</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">371 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">306.2</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">9</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">58</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">1670</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">7694</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">4243</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">169 </span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">40</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">326 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">157</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">7</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">35</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">36</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">3807</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">2662</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">110</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">41</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">324 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">193.5</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">7</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">42</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">0</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">3757</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">2816</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">145</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">51</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">340 Tseltralna</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">107.8</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">6</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">20</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">149</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">1914</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">1345</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">76</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">56</span></td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The table analysis shows a clear pattern: the fewer floors and apartments a building has, the more expensive each square meter of housing becomes. The lowest cost per square meter is found in the nine-story buildings. In the building at 353 Tsentralna Street, for example, a square meter costs UAH 25.03 thousand, while at 359 Tsentralna Street it costs UAH 29.77 thousand.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The reasons are purely economic. The costs of design, foundations, utility networks, and site improvement are spread across a much larger residential area. As a result, in buildings with more apartments, the cost of one square meter decreases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The smallest building, by contrast—the six-story building at 340 Tsentralna Street—shows the opposite pattern. Because it includes only 20 apartments, the notional cost per square meter there is the highest, at UAH 56.38 thousand.</span></p>
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<h1><span style="font-weight: 400;">What do the estimates show? </span></h1>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">DOZORRO analysts reviewed the cost estimates under the contracts for the construction of seven new buildings. In the case of the apartment building at </span><b>353 Tsentralna Street</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, they identified a </span><b>likely overpayment of UAH 13.7 million. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The biggest concern was the price of 12 mm A-III rebar. The contractor, Ukrainian Construction Company LLC, plans to supply it at UAH 42,026.40 per ton. By contrast, Metinvest sells it at UAH </span><a href="https://metinvest-smc.com/ru/product/armatura-65-a240-l6000mm/?gad_source=1&amp;gad_campaignid=21607623836&amp;gbraid=0AAAAADj78rqeC6TDRIRTVPZIHHSIYsgnm&amp;gclid=CjwKCAjwvO7CBhAqEiwA9q2YJSyH2KQCYSB-LRhRBbYGgUsP8t9g0Io81lbPp4AlXEQQP_RBNWyBmhoC4RwQAvD_BwE"><span style="font-weight: 400;">33,300</span></a> <a href="https://metinvest-smc.com/ua/product/armatura-12-a400a500-l12000mm/?srsltid=AfmBOopqG6ay7TAyUvF-hkSbKk-4xVBfPYtRtuBZINelgj4syhr6fvzL"><span style="font-weight: 400;">per ton</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, and Metal-Holding at </span><a href="https://metal-holding.ua/ua/cernyj-metall/armatura/armatura-mernoj-dliny/armatura-10-mera-2"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 34,005 per ton</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. This means the likely overpayment on rebar alone could reach UAH 3.9 million. It is also worth considering that </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">construction materials for large projects are usually procured in bulk, so their price should be even lower than in retail outlets</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another item with a noticeable markup is Knauf MP-75 plaster. In the estimate, it is priced at UAH 16.51 per kilogram. For comparison, Leroy Merlin Ukraine sells this plaster at </span><a href="https://www.leroymerlin.ua/p/shtukaturka-gipsova-dlia-mashynnogo-nanesennia-knauf-mr-75-30-kg-207344-12484094?gad_source=1&amp;gad_campaignid=20955024661&amp;gbraid=0AAAAACuRt3RCQPigOBMPpZcBCmWvIU0FJ&amp;gclid=Cj0KCQjw-NfDBhDyARIsAD-ILeBVLawyHulLA7Fa7eDiz3g_Kar4KSvj0s_F-NhfXgSS6PnfvJ76dPoaAi74EALw_wcB"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 11.96 per kilogram</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, while Interbudservice offers it at </span><a href="https://knauf.kiev.ua/shpaklevka-shtukaturka/v-meshkakh/knauf-mp75-30kg"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 10.36 per kilogram</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. This item alone could involve another UAH 1.9 million in overpayment. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that contract prices are dynamic and may be adjusted during contract performance.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">DOZORRO analysts also identified a likely overstatement of almost </span><b>UAH 15 million for the project at 427-A Tsentralna Street.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> For example, the contractor, Ukrbudengineering, included 200 mm insulation in the estimate at UAH 947.63 per square meter—almost twice the market price. Novatorbud sells this material at </span><a href="https://novatorstroy.com/ua/kyiv/penopolistirol-scanterm-1000x600x200-mm-1-sht/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 498.36 per square meter</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, and Cube at </span><a href="https://kub.kh.ua/ua/uteplitel/penopolistirol/penopolistirol-scanterm-m25-1000x600x200-mm"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 325 per square meter</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. This line item alone could involve nearly UAH 1 million in overpayment. Later, however, the contracting authority amended the contract price and the list of materials, but never published the updated estimate in the system. It is also worth remembering that the contract price for this project is dynamic. We therefore plan to wait for the completion certificates in order to verify the actual prices of materials.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In two other cases—at 326 and 324 Tsentralna Street—the analysts were unable to objectively assess possible overpricing. The contracting authority also amended the contract prices in those cases, but again failed to publish the updated estimates in the system. In the other buildings, analysts either found no overpricing at all or only minor discrepancies relative to the overall cost of construction materials.</span></p>
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<h1><span style="font-weight: 400;">What is the price on the commercial market?</span></h1>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To understand how the cost-per-square-meter figures we obtained compare with the market, it is worth looking at commercial housing prices. According to </span><a href="https://biz.nv.ua/ukr/consmarket/rinok-neruhomosti-ukrajini-2025-zrostannya-cin-i-popitu-novi-tendenciji-50572485.html#:~:text=%D0%A0%D0%B0%D0%BD%D1%96%D1%88%D0%B5%20%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%B2%D1%96%D0%B4%D0%BE%D0%BC%D0%BB%D1%8F%D0%BB%D0%BE%D1%81%D1%8F%2C%20%D1%89%D0%BE%20%D0%B2%20%D1%83%D0%BA%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%97%D0%BD%D1%86%D1%96%D0%B2%20%D0%B7%D0%BC%D1%96%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B2%D1%81%D1%8F%20%D0%B1%D1%8E%D0%B4%D0%B6%D0%B5%D1%82,%D0%B6%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%BB%D0%B0%20%D0%B7%D0%B0%20%D0%B2%D0%BA%D0%B0%D0%B7%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B9%20%D0%BF%D0%B5%D1%80%D1%96%D0%BE%D0%B4%20%E2%80%94%20%D0%BD%D0%B0%2012%2C8%25."><span style="font-weight: 400;">dom.ria</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, in December 2025, the average price per square meter in the Kyiv region, excluding Kyiv, stood at $891 </span><b>(nearly UAH 38,000).</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> It is important to note that the new buildings in Borodianka are designed to be handed over with basic cosmetic finishing already completed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since there were no listings for newly built housing in Borodianka at the time of the analysis, we used the secondary market for comparison. This makes it possible to see the full price range depending on the condition of the property—from apartments requiring renovation to fully furnished units.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, a two-room apartment at 318 Tsentralna Street is listed at </span><a href="https://lun.ua/realty/4045053514"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 44,122 per square meter.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> It has a modern European-style renovation and comes fully furnished with appliances. Another two-room apartment on the same street, also furnished and equipped with appliances, is listed at </span><a href="https://lun.ua/realty/2108530507"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 48,928 per square meter</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lower prices are seen in apartments without renovation. At 304 Tsentralna Street, for instance, a four-room apartment is listed at </span><a href="https://lun.ua/realty/3684485170"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 27,985 per square meter</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, and a two-room apartment at </span><a href="https://lun.ua/realty/2108807841"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 26,115 per square meter.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Both units are in need of renovation or have no renovation at all, and the building itself is </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-04-25-010387-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">scheduled</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for repair.</span></p>
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<h1><span style="font-weight: 400;">Conclusions</span></h1>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Our analysis shows a direct correlation between a building’s height and the cost per square meter: the taller the building, the lower the average cost per square meter. The nine-story projects appear to be the most economically efficient, as fixed costs—design, foundations, utility networks, and site improvement—are spread across a larger residential area. Overall, the price level in these projects appears market-appropriate and does not indicate systematic overpricing. However, the sites have not yet been completed, so we will only be able to assess their final cost once they are commissioned and we can see all actual expenditures in the completion certificates.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even where cost indicators appear market-appropriate, the efficiency of such projects depends heavily on how transparently they are implemented. Public access to documentation, the timely publication of updated cost estimates, and proper oversight of construction material prices remain essential conditions for maintaining trust in the reconstruction process and ensuring the rational use of budget funds.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, the debate over the feasibility of alternative compensation mechanisms, including housing certificates, does not eliminate the problem of destroyed development. Even if such tools may be more beneficial for the state in some cases, destroyed buildings do not simply disappear—they still need to be either restored or demolished and rebuilt. In practice, then, there is currently no real alternative to reconstruction: compensation alone does not solve the problem of destroyed infrastructure.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this context, Borodianka demonstrates a compromise model of reconstruction, balancing cost savings, social function, and the political need to show results. That is why the key question here is not only how much a square meter costs, but also how consistently, reasonably, and openly the state spends money on recovery.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material was prepared within the framework of the “Digitalization for Growth, Integrity, and Transparency” (UK DIGIT) project, implemented by the Eurasia Foundation and funded by UK Dev.</span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The material was produced with the financial support of the UK Government’s International Development Assistance Programme. The contents of this material are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine; the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Government of the United Kingdom.</span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-much-does-a-square-meter-of-reconstruction-cost-in-borodianka/">How much does a square meter of reconstruction cost in Borodianka?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>The Law Enforcement Committee Left a Loophole for Evading Criminal Liability in Draft Law No. 12439</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-law-enforcement-committee-left-a-loophole-for-evading-criminal-liability-in-draft-law-no-12439/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 10 Mar 2026 12:16:43 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32504</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The committee recommended that parliament pass this draft law at second reading and in full.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-law-enforcement-committee-left-a-loophole-for-evading-criminal-liability-in-draft-law-no-12439/">The Law Enforcement Committee Left a Loophole for Evading Criminal Liability in Draft Law No. 12439</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At today’s meeting of the Verkhovna Rada Law Enforcement Committee, members of parliament </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1H5Kjn8cLZ/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">revisited</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the decision of August 27, 2025, on draft law No. 12439. There is a high likelihood that the previously identified flaws have not been corrected. The committee recommended that parliament pass this draft law at second reading and in full.</span></p>
<p><b>Although the draft law is presented as &#8220;protecting business&#8221;, in substance, it contains provisions that would only create additional obstacles for law enforcement investigations, including by opening the door to corruption that undermines the normal development of business. </b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since the committee meeting was not broadcast, we can assume that the harmful provisions introduced in August 2025 were not removed. They include:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Treating actions taken on the basis of government clarifications as non-criminal. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Proposed Article 41-1 sets out no criteria whatsoever for assessing the lawfulness of such clarifications. Instead, it grants immunity for any actions taken “on the basis of clarifications,” even where that clarification contradicts the law or is clearly unlawful. This creates far broader opportunities for abuse.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Allowing investigators’ decisions refusing access to materials to be challenged before an investigating judge, even where disclosure at that stage could harm the pretrial investigation.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> In practice, this could force investigators, during court hearings, to disclose information protected by the secrecy of the pretrial investigation, since no special procedure has been established for reviewing such complaints.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Narrowing the list of criminal offenses for which urgent searches may be conducted. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">As a result, this investigative tool would become almost unavailable for uncovering corruption, except in cases of passive bribery under Article 368 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We discussed these concerns in more detail in a </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/protecting-business-or-opening-doors-for-corruption-analysis-of-draft-law-no-12439-before-the-second-reading/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">separate article</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this way, parliament is poised to do business yet another disservice. Instead of adopting sound legislation that minimizes the risks of inconsistent interpretation and pressure on business, it is creating additional opportunities for the shadow economy. As a result, dishonest businesses will only strengthen their position in the market, while these amendments will make competition harder for legitimate businesses and create even more obstacles for the NABU and the SAPO in investigating corruption.</span></p>
<p><b>Until it is clear that all harmful provisions have been removed from the draft law, Members of Parliament should refrain from voting for it.</b></p>
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			            	Although the draft law is presented as &#8220;protecting business&#8221;, in substance, it contains provisions that would only create additional obstacles for law enforcement investigations, including by opening the door to corruption that undermines the normal development of business. 
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</p></div>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-law-enforcement-committee-left-a-loophole-for-evading-criminal-liability-in-draft-law-no-12439/">The Law Enforcement Committee Left a Loophole for Evading Criminal Liability in Draft Law No. 12439</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>ARMA on the Road to Reform: Progress on Asset Management and Unresolved Issues</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/arma-on-the-road-to-reform-progress-on-asset-management-and-unresolved-issues/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 09 Mar 2026 14:33:40 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32498</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Early February marked six months after the ARMA reform law entered into force. What has been delivered—and where has the process stalled?</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/arma-on-the-road-to-reform-progress-on-asset-management-and-unresolved-issues/">ARMA on the Road to Reform: Progress on Asset Management and Unresolved Issues</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Early February marked six months after the ARMA reform law entered into force. For the authorities, this was an ambitious agenda: meet clear deadlines for accepting assets, launch a new competition model, and identify the assets that had already been transferred to the Agency. What has been delivered—and where has the process stalled?</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"><br />
</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On February 24, 2026, Members of Parliament on the </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TxmdpG29IRY"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Anti-Corruption Committee</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> heard a kind of progress report on the reform’s implementation. Acting Head of ARMA Yaroslava Maksymenko and Valerii Saienko, Director of the Asset Management Department, presented updates on the regulatory framework and the results of the inventory process. Here is what came out of that discussion.</span></p>
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			            	On February 24, 2026, Members of Parliament on the Anti-Corruption Committee heard a kind of progress report on the reform’s implementation.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Reform status and implementation of the law</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To meet the requirements of the ARMA reform law, a package of subordinate regulations has already been drafted, and a substantial portion has entered into force. The implementation status of the key documents is as follows:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The government has approved procedures for selecting asset managers for “simple” and “complex” assets, for monitoring the effectiveness of management, and for calculating estimated value.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The resolution on asset insurance has successfully passed the government committee stage and is being prepared for consideration at a Cabinet of Ministers meeting.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The procedure for approving template agreements and asset management programs is at the final stage of review within the Cabinet of Ministers Secretariat.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, the meeting noted that the commission for selecting managers for complex assets is being finalized, and central executive authorities have already submitted nominations.</span></p>
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			            	The meeting noted that the commission for selecting managers for complex assets is being finalized, and central executive authorities have already submitted nominations.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Inventory results and asset classification</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This was among the most extensive tasks to be completed in the six months after the updated ARMA law was adopted. According to the Agency, as of December 31, 2025, the </span><a href="https://reestr.arma.gov.ua/#/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Unified Register of Seized Assets</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> contained 102,569 entries. To determine the real volume of liquid assets, ARMA filtered out items without independent economic value, including 28,000 household items from Mezhyhiria and 20,000 items from Medvezha Dibrova.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This claim sparked a serious debate at the committee meeting: participants spent considerable time trying to establish how many assets are actually under ARMA’s management. We find the very reasons for this debate deeply unfortunate, because the same </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/impunity-fuels-corruption-and-law-no-4555-ix-will-make-it-worse/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ARMA reform law</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> launched the inventory of remaining assets and introduced the concept of an </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“asset pool”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> precisely so that economically meaningful groupings of assets could be identified and transferred for management effectively. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Committee Chair Anastasiia Radina pointed out that ARMA was unable to produce a single official document confirming the inventory results, relying instead on “working materials” and internal memos. Yaroslava Maksymenko explained that methodological confusion and outdated accounting persist, along with a “clogged” seized assets register filled with small items and limited resources. In fact, a full, in-depth inventory of all 102,000 objects—given current staffing—would take roughly four months.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ultimately, ARMA proposed fixing as a baseline 44,815 assets transferred since 2017 under 1,435 court rulings received by the Agency as of December 31, 2025.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, the breakdown by asset category is as follows:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vehicles and equipment: 22,384 assets (including 19,307 units of railway rolling stock)</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Real estate and land plots: 6,842</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Various types of goods: 6,613</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Movable property and inventory items: 6,162</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Financial assets and corporate rights: 2,814 (including 533 business entities)</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for the economic liquidity of these results, there is still no final assessment. However, an overall review of identified assets showed the following distribution:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>22</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">,</span><b>730</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> assets were deemed potentially manageable or suitable for sale;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>6</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">,</span><b>982</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> items were destroyed, damaged, or located in occupied territories, abroad, or listed as wanted;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>3</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">,</span><b>542</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> assets require procedural follow-up or a change in the method of management through the courts.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In summary, an accounting discrepancy was identified for 11,561 objects. As the Agency explained, this reflects a mismatch between assets transferred in practice and the assets listed in court rulings. In addition, work to define liquid units of assets has not yet been completed. Once identification is finished, the Agency plans to conduct a physical inventory and place assets on its balance sheet. When asked how many assets have been transferred to managers, and how many have been put out to competition, ARMA did not provide an answer.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, Radina sharply criticized the absence of a single administrative act that would formally record the inventory results and establish the final number of assets. ARMA must therefore provide official information with verified figures, clearly distinguishing assets that can be managed, those requiring additional documentation, and the “gray zone” (unidentified property).</span></p>
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			            	Radina sharply criticized the absence of a single administrative act that would formally record the inventory results and establish the final number of assets. ARMA must therefore provide official information with verified figures.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Social initiatives: housing for IDPs</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Although the committee meeting did not ultimately yield a results-focused discussion of ARMA’s performance, MPs raised several questions they considered important. One concerned developing a </span><b>mechanism for using seized residential real estate to meet the needs of internally displaced persons.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> ARMA proposed applying Article 21-1 and transferring such assets to state-sector entities, since commercial competitions for these properties did not attract private investors due to the social burden involved.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Maksymenko, however, pointed to technical obstacles. For example, many apartments are currently occupied by minor children, whose eviction is prohibited by law. In addition, commercial hotels have good-faith tenants whose equipment keeps building infrastructure functioning, and there is no mechanism to relocate people if a court unexpectedly lifts an arrest. The parties agreed to revisit the issue at the next meeting. We previously flagged similar risks related to transferring seized assets for IDP needs in </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/arma-and-social-housing-draft-law-11009-deficiencies/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">our legal analysis</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the relevant draft law.</span></p>
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			            	Maksymenko, however, pointed to technical obstacles. For example, many apartments are currently occupied by minor children, whose eviction is prohibited by law. In addition, commercial hotels have good-faith tenants.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">High-profile asset cases: KAMparytet, Pin-Up, and CHP plants</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The discussion of high-profile asset management cases was no less telling.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The first example concerned the </span><b>KAMparytet management company</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> whose interests, in spring </span><a href="https://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2025/06/04/7515582/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">last year</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, were allegedly advanced by then-ARMA head Olena Duma. Radina cited facts suggesting that the manager sublet shopping centers at prices three times higher than the income it declared to ARMA, leading to direct budget losses. The Agency confirmed the revealed violations and reported that it had begun procedures to terminate the contracts with this manager for inefficiency. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One MP also expressed outrage at the return of </span><a href="https://glavcom.ua/publications/dzhekpot-kolaboranta-derzhava-bez-boju-viddala-122-mln-hrn-1104061.html"><b>UAH 122 million to Pin-Up owner</b></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Ihor Zotkin, described as having a questionable reputation. Yaroslava Maksymenko responded that she was executing a court decision: the plea agreement approved by the prosecutor did not provide for confiscation of these funds, which automatically required returning both the funds and the income generated from their management once the arrest was lifted.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate point is worth making here: the </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/parliament-restores-property-confiscation-when-concluding-plea-agreement-in-corruption-crimes/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">amendments allowing confiscation</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> as a punishment when concluding an agreement that provides for release from serving a sentence applied only to corruption offenses. In this case, questions should have been directed not at ARMA’s leadership, but at Prosecutor General’s Office prosecutor Maksym Kapustin, who is listed on the court’s website as the prosecutor who submitted the agreement, and at Pecherskyi District Court judge Oleh Soloviov, who issued the judgment based on that agreement after finding it to be in the public interest. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for the </span><b>management of the Novyi Rozdil and Novoiavorivsk CHP plants</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, seized in the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52018000000000546"><span style="font-weight: 400;">case involving former MP Dubnevych</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, MPs emphasized the risk of disrupting the heating season because the current contracts expire in November 2026. They stressed that Naftogaz needs guarantees of continued management now to plan budgets for technical upgrades and modernization. ARMA’s leadership assured the committee that all contracts are being processed, but that extending them through the Cabinet of Ministers takes time.</span></p>
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			            	The discussion of high-profile asset management cases was no less telling.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Financial indicators and budget revenues</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One committee member presented an analysis of budget revenues from asset management in the second half of 2025, showing a steep decline:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">July 2025: UAH 102 million</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">August 2025: UAH 57 million</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">September 2025: UAH 45 million</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">November 2025: UAH 29 million</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">ARMA representatives explained that July’s UAH 102 million was an anomalous one-time spike driven by dividend payments from Ukrnafta and Naftogaz. Subsequent figures, they said, reflect problems with previously concluded contracts for managing seized assets and the genuinely low effectiveness of current management for other assets.</span></p>
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			            	ARMA representatives explained that July’s UAH 102 million was an anomalous one-time spike driven by dividend payments from Ukrnafta and Naftogaz.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Pavlo Demchuk
			            </p>
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Taken together, these developments show that ARMA’s reform requires significant resources and systematic, parallel management of several processes—something that still has not happened at the highest level.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Unfortunately, we still have not heard a clear picture from ARMA’s new leadership of how many assets are actually manageable. Confusion over the numbers remains, driven by different accounting approaches. That said, Maksymenko’s and Saienko’s answers were more focused on constructive work rather than populist statements—as was often the case before—which gives some hope that the processes described above will pick up pace.</span></p>
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			            	Maksymenko’s and Saienko’s answers were more focused on constructive work rather than populist statements which gives some hope that the processes described above will pick up pace.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/arma-on-the-road-to-reform-progress-on-asset-management-and-unresolved-issues/">ARMA on the Road to Reform: Progress on Asset Management and Unresolved Issues</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>TI Ukraine and the Basel Institute on Governance Launch Applications for Their Internship Program</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-and-the-basel-institute-on-governance-launch-applications-for-their-internship-program/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 09 Mar 2026 12:19:01 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32491</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Applications opened on March 9. This is a unique opportunity to explore anti-corruption work, build professional skills and gain hands-on experience.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-and-the-basel-institute-on-governance-launch-applications-for-their-internship-program/">TI Ukraine and the Basel Institute on Governance Launch Applications for Their Internship Program</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Applications opened on March 9. This is a unique opportunity to explore anti-corruption work, build professional skills, gain hands-on experience, and join the team at TI Ukraine or the Basel Institute on Governance. </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We invite students, recent graduates, entry-level professionals, and anyone seeking professional growth in the anti-corruption field and looking to contribute to meaningful change.</span></p>
<p><b>Who are we looking for</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Communications specialists, lawyers, analysts/researchers, and project assistants.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Participants will join either the </span><a href="https://baselgovernance.org/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Basel Institute on Governance</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> or one of TI Ukraine’s focus areas — </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">DOZORRO</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/en"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Transparent Cities</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, anti-corruption policy, or the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">HACC Decided platform</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — and become part of an international, communications, or legal team.</span></p>
<p><b>What to expect as an intern</b></p>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">1 month of a volunteer internship</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">3 to 5 months of a paid internship</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">hybrid internship format — online and in the office</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">part-time or full-time</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">networking and mentoring from anti-corruption professionals</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">involvement in the development of communications, legal, and analytical projects at both the Ukrainian and international levels</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">participation in social media content creation and in preparing analytical materials and research</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">full immersion in the work of one of the organization&#8217;s departments</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">a potential opportunity to join the TI Ukraine or Basel Institute on Governance team, or to take part in a study trip to Liechtenstein.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><b>How the internship works</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The program will begin on May 18 with a two-week training period. During this time, participants will get to know the organization’s work and complete their first practical assignments. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The next stage will be the Institute’s volunteer phase, during which interns will receive assignments from their mentors. Those who stand out will move on to the paid stage. Over the next 3 to 5 months, participants will take on more complex tasks, deepen their understanding of the anti-corruption field, and work on real cases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the end of the internship, the most engaged participants may either receive a job offer for one of the open positions or have the opportunity to take part in a study trip to Liechtenstein.</span></p>
<p><b>What we expect from candidates</b></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">partial (4-6 courses completed) or full higher education</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">interest in fighting corruption</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">the ability to learn quickly and process large volumes of data</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">excellent written and oral communication skills</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">fluency in Ukrainian </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">a high level of English proficiency, no lower than Upper-Intermediate</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">motivation to gain practical experience and achieve tangible results</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">keen sense of justice and zero tolerance for corruption.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><b>How to apply</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To apply, please complete the application form via the </span><a href="https://internship.ti-ukraine.org/en/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">link</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> by April 17.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Shortlisted candidates will receive a test assignment, and those who complete it successfully will be invited to an interview with HR and an expert from one of the program areas. The internship itself will begin on May 18.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The program is implemented in partnership with the Basel Institute on Governance with the support of the Principality of Liechtenstein.</span></p>
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			            	At the end of the internship, the most engaged participants may either receive a job offer for one of the open positions or have the opportunity to take part in a study trip to Liechtenstein.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-and-the-basel-institute-on-governance-launch-applications-for-their-internship-program/">TI Ukraine and the Basel Institute on Governance Launch Applications for Their Internship Program</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Three</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-three/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 06 Mar 2026 10:41:29 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32499</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>TI Ukraine continues to monitor interviews in the competition for positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-three/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Three</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine continues to monitor interviews in the competition for positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the third week, the following candidates completed this stage of the competition:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Omelian</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktoriia Kytsiuk</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vitalii Dubas</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksii Yevtushenko </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lesia Skreklia</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nataliia Makhno</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Vernyhor</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Nikitchuk</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Khamkhodera</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Pika </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tetiana Troian </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kostiantyn Kharakoz </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Volodymyr Bubleinyk </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yuliia Retynska </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Serhii Syvokin</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This piece highlights key points from interviews held March 2–6.</span></p>
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			            	This piece highlights key points from interviews held March 2–6.
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<h3><b>Ihor Omelian</b></h3>
<p><b>Lecturer, International European University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32481" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Omelyan-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE and HQCJ focused most heavily on a series of companies that the candidate had served as a director or founder of and that appeared to be set up under suspicious circumstances. TI Ukraine’s prior review found that in 2020–2021 Omelian served as director of six LLCs with foreign founders—suggesting the companies were used to obtain residence permits for foreigners outside the standard procedure. None of the companies opened bank accounts, conducted business activities, or had staff other than the candidate as director. The entities were also registered, without a clear basis, at the candidate’s apartment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Omelian said he met these foreigners through a colleague who asked him to provide legal assistance. He ultimately confirmed that the companies were created for residence permits and that the foreigners said they </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“wanted to live in Ukraine and saw their business in Ukraine,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">while adding that the procedure was lawful. Asked directly whether he understood the companies were not created to conduct real business, Omelian answered differently, saying the foreigners liked Ukrainian food and people, and that after moving to another country, they did not like it there. He concluded by saying he does not engage in fictitious company creation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine also established that the candidate was a co-founder of PODIL AGRO INVEST LLC (charter capital UAH 4.2 billion, of which UAH 1.4 billion was in the candidate’s name) and SEA INVESTMENT GROUP LLC (charter capital UAH 560 million, of which UAH 140 million was in the candidate’s name). The panel asked how “innovative models” could have been valued by the owners at such extraordinary sums and what, specifically, made them innovative.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At first, the candidate responded in general terms, saying that </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“implementing them could bring the results described in the feasibility studies for those projects.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> One idea, he said, concerned building an LNG terminal at a port—something that no one ever built. Another concerned using agricultural enterprises to grow export products. He said the projects failed, and that he later exited the business voluntarily, stating he had no claims regarding his billion-hryvnia stakes. Omelian was unable to explain what intellectual contribution he personally made to the purported know-how.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked directly whether the company could have been used for money laundering or fraud—particularly because the names of these companies appear in criminal proceedings involving fraud and money laundering. Omelian responded that to do that “you would need to have money,” and he said the companies did not.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, the candidate tried to underscore his integrity. He said he could have avoided declaring a piece of property because </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“if I hadn’t listed it, no one would even know, because it isn’t even in the registry.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> He said something similar about a repayable financial assistance (a loan) he received from his own law office: </span><b>“</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">I could have not declared it (the income—ed.), </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">and the commission would have had no way of knowing, nor would any outside observer</span></i><b>.”</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding these “loans from himself to himself,” the candidate said they were not a way to avoid paying dividends tax. Instead, he said, during a period when banks were closing he wanted to protect his money: in liquidation, he claimed, funds belonging to legal entities are paid out last, while individuals are paid first and in full.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also questioned the candidate about his primary job since 2024 as a university lecturer. It emerged that some of the courses he teaches are not law-related, even though he has only a law degree and no academic title. Omelian explained that he took up teaching because his law office income was unstable and he wanted to understand whether he should pursue a PhD. He said he found the teaching vacancy, which provides a deferment from mobilization, through targeted advertising.</span></p>
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			            	During the interview, the candidate tried to underscore his integrity. He said he could have avoided declaring a piece of property because “if I hadn’t listed it, no one would even know, because it isn’t even in the registry.”
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<h3><b>Vitalii Dubas</b></h3>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32473" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Dubas-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel asked Dubas about the controversy surrounding the criminal case involving suspected former deputy chair of the High Commercial Court, Artur Yemelianov. In that matter, Investigating Judge Dubas returned the prosecutor’s motion for an interim measure, because he believed the case fell under the jurisdiction not of HACC but of the Pecherskyi District Court of Kyiv. The HACC Appeals Chamber later overturned that decision and kept the case under HACC jurisdiction. Dubas said the Appeals Chamber should not have considered the matter at all, because the court of first instance was not the Anti-Corruption Court but a local court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dubas said he had made similar rulings before, but this case was particularly high-profile, which ultimately led to interference in his work. He noted that the HACC Appeals Chamber had previously held that the case belonged to HACC, but he disagreed with that approach and, among other things, unsuccessfully sought recusal on that basis. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked whether the situation nonetheless allowed him to recuse himself. Dubas replied that every judge has the right to their own legal position and that the correctness of that position is tested through judicial review, adding: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“If I issued the decision, I’m ready to be accountable for it.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate topic was that the judge is a blood donor and donates on workdays. Dubas said he donates about once a month. The discussion concerned a situation where he tried to take the days off provided by law, but the court chair allegedly refused, creating an apparent conflict. Dubas said that on those days he typically continues administering justice and then “adds” the days off, for example, to a vacation period. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also examined an episode in which two of the three judges on a panel (other than Dubas) issued separate opinions. This was discussed from the standpoint of teamwork. Dubas said he has extensive experience working on judicial panels and that this was the only such situation. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel also discussed his use of full access to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Part of that topic was considered in a closed session. In the open session, asked why he searched the register for his own surname, Dubas said he was reviewing appellate decisions addressing appeals of his rulings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also touched on judges’ behavior in court hearings that had been discussed on social media. Dubas said he believes that when a judge behaves like a real person, rather than “a person in a case,” it can increase public trust in the court.</span></p>
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			            	The interview also examined an episode in which two of the three judges on a panel (other than Dubas) issued separate opinions. This was discussed from the standpoint of teamwork. Dubas said he has extensive experience working on judicial panels and that this was the only such situation.
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<h3><b>Viktoriia Kytsiuk</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Solomianskyi District Court of Kyiv</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32477" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Kytsyuk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This interview largely revisited issues that had already been examined during Kytsiuk’s first participation in the HACC competition in 2018–2019. She was eliminated after a joint session of HQCJ and PCIE. The grounds were, among other things, social media posts criticizing NABU, and an episode involving an “error correction” that in practice narrowed the substance of an earlier ruling.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The key question this time was what, specifically, had changed since the previous competition and why HQCJ and PCIE should reach a different conclusion now. Kytsiuk emphasized that she should be assessed as of the present, referring to the Supreme Court’s position that integrity criteria involve a degree of subjectivity, and said she was prepared to provide explanations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding the Facebook posts, she said she had drawn conclusions from that situation and would act differently today. Kytsiuk stressed that her repost occurred after her judicial term had already ended, so she was not commenting on a matter pending before her. As for the “error correction,” she emphasized that the appellate court overturned the decision for procedural reasons—specifically, the failure to notify the pretrial investigation authority, which effectively deprived it of an opportunity to provide explanations. However, she noted that the appellate court did not find that the underlying decision had been substantively narrowed, and she focused her explanations on that point.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Kytsiuk’s transfer to a court in Kyiv in 2013. A PCIE member raised the question of whether the transfer was carried out through a genuine competitive procedure, as required by law. At the time, a judge appointed for an initial five-year term could be transferred only through a publicly announced competition. However, no information about such a competition was found on the HQCJ website, and the practices of that period had previously been criticized by the Public Integrity Council. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kytsiuk said she learned about the vacancy by comparing information on judges’ resignations and transfers. She also said that a competence review “apparently took place,” but did not provide detailed circumstances. According to her, there were four candidates for four vacancies and all were appointed. The PCIE member noted inconsistencies in her explanations regarding the nature of that check.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed a 2017 incident with patrol police. Kytsiuk said she does not believe she violated traffic rules and tried not to escalate the conflict. She acknowledged that she may have lacked communication skills and psychological knowledge but said she had no intention of creating a confrontation.</span></p>
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			            	The key question this time was what, specifically, had changed since the previous competition and why HQCJ and PCIE should reach a different conclusion now. Kytsiuk emphasized that she should be assessed as of the present, referring to the Supreme Court’s position that integrity criteria involve a degree of subjectivity, and said she was prepared to provide explanations.
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<h3><b>Oleksii Yevtushenko </b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Saksahanskyi District Court</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32475" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/YEvtushenko-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevtushenko’s interview began with discussion of his practical experience, including his handling of corruption-related cases. He said he does not find corruption cases difficult; for him, cases affecting people’s lives are more difficult.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about the privatization of a one-room apartment in Kharkiv in 2013. The experts did not understand how the candidate managed to privatize the apartment within only one year of filing an application. At the time, Yevtushenko was the chief of staff of the Kharkiv Region Court of Appeal, and PCIE found that the apartment was allocated to him by the Kharkiv City Council as an exception. It was not official housing; he applied under the general procedure used by citizens seeking housing. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate was unable to recall, even in broad terms, what the “exception” was. He said he tried to obtain documents on the City Council’s decision-making procedure, but they had been destroyed after the retention period expired. He also said he learned only in 2026 that the apartment had been granted as an exception.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that the City Council reviewed the decision to transfer the apartment within one month—an unusually fast timeline. Yevtushenko again said he does not know why his application was reviewed so quickly, adding: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“Honestly, when I applied, getting an apartment felt like winning the lottery,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">and </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“I simply got lucky—it’s a real pity I can’t prove it.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the time he received the apartment, the candidate also held an ownership share in property in Chernihiv. Because of this, he said, he had to personally pay part of the privatized apartment’s value. In 2025, he sold the apartment, but said he did not intend to profit, because he used the proceeds to purchase property in his mother’s hometown. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also covered a lawsuit against Kharkiv heating utilities in which the candidate was represented by his wife’s law firm. The court ordered reimbursement to Judge Yevtushenko of UAH 5,000 in legal fees. The candidate confirmed that he did in fact transfer those funds as payment to his wife’s company.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevtushenko also apologized for a remark he made during the interview addressed to a member of the High Council of Justice, saying that he always pays child support and that </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“that is the nature of a Ukrainian woman—she always pursues child support for herself.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> He said the remark may have been inappropriate and that he meant something else.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about the candidate’s mobilization history. In March 2022, he contacted the Verkhovyna Center for Territorial Recruitment and began service, including in the Military Law Enforcement Service. His service lasted four months, and the panel sought clarification as to why he joined the military and whether it was intended to obtain a particular status.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On a professional question about a recent Constitutional Court decision concerning detention during martial law, the candidate was unable to say what the decision was about.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, Yevtushenko appeared nervous during the interview and frequently interrupted commission members, for which he received warnings.</span></p>
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			            	Overall, Yevtushenko appeared nervous during the interview and frequently interrupted commission members, for which he received warnings.
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<h3><b>Lesia Skreklia</b></h3>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Lviv University of Trade and Economics</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32483" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Skreklya-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a discussion of the candidate’s motivation to work at HACC. Skreklia said she views administering justice at HACC as the peak of the legal profession and described the court as a </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“court of justice” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">that, together with Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure, can realistically reduce corruption in the country.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE then asked about her husband, an investigator who won a competition for the State Bureau of Investigation in 2018. The panel asked whether she saw a risk of a conflict of interest, given that the SBI also investigates high-level corruption cases. Skreklia replied that she and her husband share the same values, so there can be no pressure; moreover, she said she would not allow it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A substantial part of the interview was about her academic work. Experts noted similarities between her dissertation and the work of another scholar. Skreklia said she and the colleague worked simultaneously, had the same academic supervisor—Professor Viacheslav Navrotskyi—and used similar methodology. She stressed that her dissertation abstract and an article on the topic were published earlier, even though the colleague defended first. She also said the colleague asked her for the dissertation text to review. Skreklia denied violating academic integrity rules, but acknowledged that sharing her dissertation with the colleague was a mistake and said she would treat it as a lesson.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE then asked about the family’s financial situation. Skreklia said she lives in her parents’ apartment in Lviv, purchased in 2016 for UAH 1.3 million. According to her, her parents earned those funds while working in Russia in the 2000s.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">She also described the purchase of an apartment in Kyiv for UAH 3.7 million in 2026. She said the family had saved for 13 years and previously did not own housing. The apartment is still under construction, and the couple does not rule out selling it in the future in order to buy housing in Lviv.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2021, Skreklia’s husband purchased a damaged car from the United States for $9,500, and the family spent a total of $16,500 on repairs. Skreklia said the family could afford this because her husband earns a high salary.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ pointed to several inaccuracies in her declarations. Skreklia confirmed that the listed price of a parking space contained a typo (UAH 120,000). She explained differences in the dates of acquiring a share in an apartment in her and her husband’s declarations as her husband’s carelessness. She also said she unintentionally failed to report her right to practice law because she completed that section mechanically.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also noted that in the declaration of the value of her parents’ apartment in Lviv, Skreklia selected “not applicable.” She said this was due to inexperience in completing the forms and stressed that she had no intent to conceal anything.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ further noted errors in her family ties declaration and her integrity declaration: she listed all relatives without distinction and completed the document only for 2024, even though it was required for her entire life period. Skreklia said she was unaware of the requirement. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also noted that in her questionnaire she stated she had not participated in competitions, even though she is currently undergoing selection for local courts. Skreklia acknowledged that this was another mistake.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also asked about sources of the family’s savings reported in her 2018–2019 declarations. Skreklia said she saved all of her own income, while the family lived on her husband’s earnings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In closing, the commission expressed doubts about the unusually large number of her co-authored scholarly publications, which is atypical for legal research. Skreklia said such co-authorship reflected academic exchange and was not intended to artificially inflate her publication count.</span></p>
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			            	PCIE then asked about her husband, an investigator who won a competition for the State Bureau of Investigation in 2018. The panel asked whether she saw a risk of a conflict of interest, given that the SBI also investigates high-level corruption cases. Skreklia replied that she and her husband share the same values, so there can be no pressure; moreover, she said she would not allow it.
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<h3><b>Nataliia Makhno</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Kolomyia City District Court, Ivano-Frankivsk Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32479" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Mahno-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, some questions concerned the family’s finances, including her father’s work abroad. A PCIE member noted that her father had worked in France and asked about the type of work and income level. Makhno said her father was officially employed as a worker and, in her words, earned up to €2,000 per month; she added that before France he also worked in other countries.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed the construction of a residential house of about 140 m², built roughly 30 years ago. Makhno said it was built “by the artisanal method,” meaning by the family’s own efforts. Asked about subsequent renovations, she confirmed that repairs were made but was unable to estimate the approximate costs.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE examined in detail Makhno’s purchase of a 2008 HYUNDAI ACCENT in 2017 for UAH 48,744. PCIE questioned whether the vehicle’s value may have been understated given market prices. Makhno said the car required repairs and that she used her personal salary savings to buy it. A PCIE member noted that documentation of the repairs was provided only partially. One HQCJ member remarked that at such a price it might have been more profitable for the prior owner to sell the car as scrap, which further increased doubts about whether the stated price was realistic.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned her academic track: the commission asked why she changed both her academic supervisor and her institution. Makhno said the first institution could not form a specialized academic council due to the lack of relevant scholars, and that most of the research had already been completed by the time she transferred. At the same time, an HQCJ member pointed out that the first institution had issued a conclusion with reservations about the work’s readiness and that by the end of her doctoral studies the research had not been completed in full. This raised doubts about the consistency of her explanation for changing institutions. Another HQCJ member also noted that in those years the first institution hosted defenses on similar topics, which further undermined the claim that it was impossible to form a specialized council. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Makhno’s integrity declaration. She said she had not been held liable. During the interview, however, she confirmed that a traffic ticket had been issued against her and that she challenged it; the higher authority later overturned it for lack of an offense.</span></p>
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			            	The commission asked why she changed both her academic supervisor and her institution. Makhno said the first institution could not form a specialized academic council due to the lack of relevant scholars, and that most of the research had already been completed by the time she transferred. At the same time, an HQCJ member pointed out that the first institution had issued a conclusion with reservations about the work’s readiness and that by the end of her doctoral studies the research had not been completed in full.
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<h3><b>Oleksandr Vernyhor</b></h3>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32471" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/Vernygor-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, PCIE paid particular attention to the candidate’s business model. In 2024, he received most of his income through his individual entrepreneur status, which is taxed at a lower rate, while income from his independent professional activity as an attorney accounted for only about 20% of his total annual income. Vernyhor said he has the right to choose the format under which he provides services and that the law does not prohibit this. He explained that he received funds as an attorney only when a client insisted on signing a legal services agreement specifically with him in his capacity as an attorney. In other cases, he signed contracts as an individual entrepreneur, which prompted extensive questions from PCIE members.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Health-related issues, which form the basis for the candidate’s deferment from mobilization, were discussed in a closed session.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel also reviewed questions of Vernyhor’s tax compliance, noting that enforcement proceedings were opened against him for nonpayment of the unified social contribution. Vernyhor described this as an accounting error in his 2020 reporting (during the COVID-19 pandemic there were temporary USC payment relief measures), which the tax authority did not allow him to correct. A court ultimately upheld the tax authority’s position; Vernyhor did not appeal further and paid the assessed amounts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ was interested in the candidate’s successful track record of challenging tax authority decisions through the administrative (out-of-court) appeal procedure, especially given his prior work in the tax service. Because such complaints have a low success rate in Ukraine, the commission asked what explained his results. Vernyhor said he simply prepared strong legal reasoning against decisions that were plainly unlawful, and he categorically denied exerting any influence on former colleagues.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for potential ties to the Nash Krai party, election commission data listed Vernyhor as a member of an election commission nominated by that party (his full name and taxpayer number matched). The candidate said he had never served on such a commission and had not participated in elections at all, suggesting he may have been added to lists by mistake without his knowledge.</span></p>
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			            	The panel also reviewed questions of Vernyhor’s tax compliance, noting that enforcement proceedings were opened against him for nonpayment of the unified social contribution. Vernyhor described this as an accounting error in his 2020 reporting, which the tax authority did not allow him to correct. A court ultimately upheld the tax authority’s position; Vernyhor did not appeal further and paid the assessed amounts.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-three/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Three</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>What the NACP Missed in Halushchenko’s Asset Declarations?</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/what-the-nacp-missed-in-halushchenko-s-asset-declarations/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Наталія Січевлюк]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 04 Mar 2026 10:49:00 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Could the millions an ex-minister of justice laundered well before NABU opened its investigation, have been spotted? After all, the official filed annual asset declarations that the NACP is supposed to verify.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/what-the-nacp-missed-in-halushchenko-s-asset-declarations/">What the NACP Missed in Halushchenko’s Asset Declarations?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Could the millions an ex-minister of justice laundered well before NABU opened its investigation, have been spotted? After all, the official filed annual asset declarations that the NACP is supposed to verify.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On February 19, the NABU </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zaNMXgyecYQ"><span style="font-weight: 400;">released</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> new details in its investigation into the Midas case involving Herman Halushchenko, who was recently notified of suspicion for money laundering and participation in a criminal organization. According to NABU’s </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zaNMXgyecYQ"><span style="font-weight: 400;">materials</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, assets linked to the former minister of justice and energy—whom members of the criminal organization allegedly referred to as “Sigismund”—were registered in the names of his relatives through a complex network of offshore companies and funds.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Once again, the NACP’s role in this situation is hard to ignore. The Agency is authorized to verify public officials’ asset declarations. And yes, the NACP did verify two of Halushchenko’s annual declarations—for 2021 and 2024—through a “full” review that was automated rather than manual. We criticized this NACP innovation back in 2023 because the entire check essentially boils down to cross-referencing a declaration against registries and databases. Real schemes, however, can only be uncovered through manual work by digging deeper and analyzing information. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Halushchenko’s case looks like yet another confirmation that the NACP must update its approach. So, let’s break down what exactly the Agency overlooked in Halushchenko’s declarations.</span></p>
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			            	According to NABU’s materials, assets linked to the former minister of justice and energy, were registered in the names of his relatives through a complex network of offshore companies and funds.
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<p>
			            	Nataliia Sichevliuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">The offshore scheme</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">NABU detectives established that between 2021 and 2025, a total of USD 12 million was laundered for the benefit of “Sigismund” and his family—funds that were largely held in foreign accounts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some of this laundered money was spent on the family’s needs, including:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">paying for the children’s expensive education at elite institutions in Switzerland,</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">medical services at a clinic owned by one of the scheme’s participants (“Sugarman”),</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">buying designer clothing at Kyiv boutiques, and more. </span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To launder the funds, Halushchenko built a multi-tiered structure. In particular, three companies were registered via offshore jurisdictions in the Marshall Islands. They became part of a trust registered in Saint Kitts and Nevis and also acted as investors in a fund on the island of Anguilla, which was used to attract and launder money. In this way, the funds were carefully concealed.</span></p>
<p><b>Still, the NACP could have noticed certain manipulations from Halushchenko’s declarations. </b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Halushchenko listed his former wife and four children as the official beneficial owners of the offshore companies. This is a common concealment scheme: assets are registered in the names of relatives or close associates who do not live with the declarant, allowing their assets to be omitted from the declaration. “Divorces” are also often fictitious for precisely these reasons.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But under the law, minor children must be declared by public officials regardless of whether they live together. Accordingly, in his 2024 declaration, Halushchenko listed his four children as family members. Yet he did not disclose any of his children’s assets—neither in the section on corporate rights nor in the section on beneficial ownership of family members’ assets.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the 2021 declaration, when Halushchenko was still married and declared his wife’s assets, her corporate rights and beneficial ownership in the architectural bureau Prostir 86 are reported. But there is still no mention whatsoever of beneficial ownership in offshore companies.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If Halushchenko’s declarations had been selected for a manual review not limited to registry cross-checking, Agency staff could at minimum have sent follow-up requests both to the declarant and to national and international authorities.</span></p>
<p><b>It is also worth noting that, unlike NABU, the NACP still has weak international cooperation with foreign authorities when it comes to obtaining information on officials’ or family members’ foreign assets. This is an area the NACP clearly needs to strengthen.</b></p>
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			            	If Halushchenko’s declarations had been selected for a manual review not limited to registry cross-checking, Agency staff could at minimum have sent follow-up requests both to the declarant and to national and international authorities.
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<p>
			            	Nataliia Sichevliuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Education in Switzerland </span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to an </span><a href="https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/skhemy-syn-halushchenko-koledzh-shveytsariya/33617473.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">investigation</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> by Schemes, Halushchenko’s son Maksym has been studying for the fourth consecutive year at one of Europe’s most expensive private colleges—College Alpin Beau Soleil in Switzerland—where tuition and boarding can cost up to USD 200,000 per year. Over four years, the total cost could reach roughly USD 700,000, or UAH 26 million—many times more than Herman Halushchenko’s family’s official income and declared savings. Journalists were able to establish this using open-source data.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In </span><a href="https://hromadske.ua/koruptsija/259563-halushchenko-zaiavyv-shcho-za-navchannia-yoho-syna-u-shveytsariyi-platyv-khreshchenyy-batko"><span style="font-weight: 400;">court</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, Halushchenko explained that different people paid for the education—his son’s godparents and family friends. This information requires additional scrutiny by NABU and, ideally, the NACP as well, since the Agency should have examined it much earlier.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">NACP </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/uk/novyny/yak-deklaruvaty-vashi-vytraty/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">guidance</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> indicates that education payments fall under expenses that must be declared. At the same time, only the declarant is required to report such expenses—so if third parties truly paid for the education, this information would not appear in the “expenses” section.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, the declaration also contains a section on gifts—and that is where information about paying for Halushchenko’s son’s education should have appeared. The NACP has </span><a href="https://wiki.nazk.gov.ua/archive/print/page/4699/12.01.2024/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">explained</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that when a third party covers the declarant’s or a family member’s costs for travel (flights, accommodation), treatment, education, and so on, it is considered a non-cash gift. As a general rule, such a gift must be reflected in the declaration with its value indicated.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">So if Halushchenko’s son’s education was paid for by godparents and family friends, this should have been shown in Halushchenko’s declaration, unless each of them paid less than the reporting threshold, which is highly unlikely given the tuition figures cited above.</span></p>
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			            	So if Halushchenko’s son’s education was paid for by godparents and family friends, this should have been shown in Halushchenko’s declaration, unless each of them paid less than the reporting threshold, which is highly unlikely given the tuition figures cited above.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Nataliia Sichevliuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Once again, we are looking at a situation where the NACP has remained on the sidelines of a high-profile scandal. Once again, most of the facts were uncovered by journalists or by NABU detectives during criminal proceedings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We understand that the NACP’s functions and capabilities differ significantly from NABU’s, and we are not comparing them. Still, it appears the NACP had sufficient tools to verify information about Halushchenko’s assets long before he was notified of suspicion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Two automated “full” reviews of the declarations of the person whom participants in the scheme allegedly called “Sigismund” produced no results at all. Most likely, the former minister’s declarations will now be selected for a repeat, manual full review—just as happened after the Tetiana Krupa </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/scandals-in-medical-and-social-expert-commissions-any-prospects-for-punishment/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">scandal</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. But the effect of such an after-the-fact review is disproportionate to the mandate of a body that is supposed to prevent corruption. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The facts we cite should be yet another wake-up call for the NACP: it unquestionably and urgently needs to revise its approach to financial control. But will the Agency listen?</span></p>
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			            	It appears the NACP had sufficient tools to verify information about Halushchenko’s assets long before he was notified of suspicion.
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			            	Nataliia Sichevliuk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/what-the-nacp-missed-in-halushchenko-s-asset-declarations/">What the NACP Missed in Halushchenko’s Asset Declarations?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Two</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-two/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Feb 2026 14:17:14 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32449</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>TI Ukraine continues to monitor interviews in the competition for positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-two/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Two</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine continues to monitor interviews in the competition for positions at the High Anti-Corruption Court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the second week, the following candidates completed this stage of the competition:</span></p>
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<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevhen Didenko</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Kimstachov</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Iryna Teslenko</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Kravets</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Maslov </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oksana Yevlakh</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vitalii Koriahin </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Ivasyn</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Petro Romanenko</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yurii Bodnaruk </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Serhii Kovalchuk</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktoriia Bazeliuk</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Batiuk.</span></li>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This piece highlights key points from interviews held February 23–27. </span></p>
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			            	This piece highlights key points from interviews held February 23–27. 
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<h3><b>Yevhen Didenko</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Pryazovske District Court, Zaporizhzhia Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Didenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32411" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Didenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Didenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Didenko-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Didenko-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with questions about how the candidate’s mother, a pensioner, was able to save more than half a million hryvnias to give her son as a gift. Didenko said that, at least as of 2019, his mother’s pension exceeded UAH 40,000, which, given her limited expenses—allowed her to save roughly UAH 31,000 per month. He said the gifted funds were used to purchase a car and cover household expenses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Experts also asked about the $9,000 purchase price of an apartment owned by the candidate’s mother and used by Didenko. This amount is nearly half the market price, but the candidate said it was not significantly different from market rates because the seller discounted the price due to sewerage problems and because another person was still registered at the address. He added that his mother purchased the apartment in part with proceeds from the sale of an apartment in Zaporizhzhia. PCIE noted that the candidate declared the apartment as being rented from his mother, even though he was in fact living there rent-free. Didenko said he had described the arrangement inaccurately and that it was actually free use. He said he separately reported this to the NACP.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about the fact that in 2020 the candidate’s mother gifted him the apartment, but the gift agreement listed the apartment’s value as UAH 20,000, even though she had purchased it for UAH 193,000. Didenko could not recall why UAH 20,000 was listed instead of UAH 193,000, but said the figure did not affect anything, including the tax base, and that there was therefore no intent to evade taxes.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE pointed to possible signs of a conflict of interest in Didenko’s work, noting that he served as the judge in a case where defense counsel was his recommender, attorney Hanna Lapshyna, who in the 2000s was also his mother’s business partner. Didenko said that until 2011 he rented a workspace from Lapshyna, but that, in his words, there was no joint work between them, and that his mother also ended her cooperation with Lapshyna by that date.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel also asked about Didenko’s challenge to a tax audit report on his declarations in 2015. The audit found, among other things, that he had acquired two land plots in the Zaporizhzhia region. Didenko said he had no connection to those plots and that the issue was apparently a match on name and patronymic. He therefore went to court to contest the audit report.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also had questions about his searches in the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Didenko made a number of full-access searches concerning people involved in illegal border crossings. He could not recall the specific reason, but suggested it may have related to a case in his docket where some suspects were severed into a separate proceeding.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Didenko did not answer all professional questions precisely. For example, he could not clearly list the circumstances in which “extortion” as an aggravating element is excluded. Asked about the academic novelty of his dissertation, the candidate said, among other things, that it was the first comprehensive study of its kind. HQCJ also recalled that in the practical assignment the candidate ordered the special confiscation of a laptop used by the defendant to file a false asset declaration. Didenko responded that, formally, such items may qualify as instruments of the offense, adding: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“I don’t know how judges, for example, at the HACC, resolve these issues in criminal cases involving intimate products: is everything confiscated, destroyed…?”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
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			            	The interview also had questions about his searches in the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Didenko made a number of full-access searches concerning people involved in illegal border crossings. He could not recall the specific reason, but suggested it may have related to a case in his docket where some suspects were severed into a separate proceeding.
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<h3><b>Oleh Kimstachov</b></h3>
<p><b>Judicial Assistant, HACC Appeals Chamber</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kimstachov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32415" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kimstachov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kimstachov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kimstachov-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kimstachov-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kimstachov is participating in the HACC competition for the third time. His previous attempt, about a year ago, ended unsuccessfully at the assessment stage involving PCIE. At that time, the candidate did not dispel reasonable doubts regarding the circumstances of his resignation as a judge, his handling of a case involving a judge with whom he had worked, and the origin of funds for a cryptocurrency gift he received from his mother.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the current interview, the central question was essentially what had changed in the candidate’s explanations and position compared to the previous competition, so that PCIE and HQCJ could reach a different conclusion. The panel also noted that Kimstachov challenged the decision on his assessment, but the Supreme Court did not uphold his claim.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate set of questions concerned the candidate’s resignation, at his own request, from his position as a judge of the Uman City District Court. Several disciplinary proceedings involving him were being considered during that period. This timing prompted pointed follow-up questions from HQCJ, because it raised the issue of whether resigning “by request” was a way to avoid possible dismissal as a disciplinary sanction. Kimstachov insisted that he made the decision because he intended to participate in the HACC competition, and that his resignation was not connected to any attempt to evade accountability.</span></p>
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			            	In the current interview, the central question was essentially what had changed in the candidate’s explanations and position compared to the previous competition, so that PCIE and HQCJ could reach a different conclusion. The panel also noted that Kimstachov challenged the decision on his assessment, but the Supreme Court did not uphold his claim.
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<h3><b>Iryna Teslenko</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Kreminna District Court, Luhansk Region (seconded to the Solomianskyi District Court of Kyiv)</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Teslenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32423" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Teslenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Teslenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Teslenko-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Teslenko-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Teslenko’s interview began with her motions to recuse two HQCJ members—Sydorovych and Volkova. She argued that they had previously voted in favor of a decision finding that she lacked the competence required for appellate court positions, a competition in which she had also participated. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Teslenko said that competition had taken place only two months earlier and that her dossier was essentially unchanged, so those commission members already had an established view of her. HQCJ rejected this reasoning, stating that the subject of evaluation was different: in the appellate court competition, the focus was competence, whereas here the central issue was integrity. The recusal motions were denied.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE spent considerable time examining why the candidate had not declared any housing in Kreminna, Luhansk Region, where she served as a judge from 2016 to 2022. Teslenko said that in 2016–2017 she stayed in hotels or short-term rentals, arriving in Kreminna on Mondays and returning to Kharkiv on weekends. She said she did not rent any single place long enough to trigger the NACP declaration requirements. From 2017 to 2020 she was on maternity leave and therefore stayed in Kharkiv. After returning to work in February 2020, she said she continued using short-term rentals and only in 2021 found permanent housing, which she then began declaring.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked about hotel prices, Teslenko gave an estimate of about UAH 150–200 per night, but said she cannot even find the hotel on Google because Kreminna is a very small town. She said she likely paid for gasoline by card, but paid cash for apartments and hotels, without supporting documents. Teslenko said the distance from Kharkiv to Kreminna is about 200 kilometers. In HQCJ’s view, this weekly travel would normally leave at least some documentary trail, but she was unable to provide any, citing the fact that she cannot access the court in Kreminna due to the full-scale invasion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also focused on the family’s vehicle transactions. According to her declarations, over several years the family bought cars and then sold them at much higher prices—even accounting for inflation and exchange-rate changes. When asked how it was possible to sell vehicles for more than they had cost, Teslenko said her husband, a retired law enforcement officer, repaired the cars, which increased their value. She said she could not describe this as entrepreneurial activity because, as she put it, the repaired cars were bought for family use and sold after one or two years of use. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to Teslenko’s 2019 declaration, her savings were about UAH 345,000. That same year, the family purchased a Toyota RAV4, yet the amount of savings increased further, even though she was on childcare leave. Asked how the family could buy the car and still increase savings, Teslenko said the car was purchased using proceeds from selling a previous vehicle. As for savings, she said they existed already at the end of 2018, and in 2019 the family simply converted $10,000 into hryvnias. She added that the family’s expenses were minimal—food, utilities, and childcare. The family lived in its own house, so utility payments were limited to electricity and gas. She also said the grandparents provided financial support for the grandchildren by purchasing clothes, vitamins, and food.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ was not satisfied with her explanation of the purchase price of a 98.2 m² apartment in Kharkiv, which she bought in 2020 for UAH 849,900. HQCJ pointed out that the document she provided to confirm the property’s value was an appraiser’s “consultation,” not a formal appraisal report. The distinction matters, HQCJ noted, because a consultation does not carry liability for the appraiser, whereas a formal report can result in loss of a license if it contains errors. Teslenko responded that a long time had passed since the purchase, and the apartment’s condition and appearance were now very different from what they were at the time of purchase. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also noted that a retrospective valuation can be ordered to establish a property’s value as of a specific past date, but Teslenko did not commission such an assessment either. She explained this by pointing to tight deadlines in the qualification process, her physical absence from Kharkiv, and her inability to provide the appraiser access to the apartment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about travel to the Russian Federation, which her declarations described as being in “extreme necessity.” Teslenko said that in 2016 she needed to pick up medication for her parents, and that in 2014 she flew out of Belgorod airport, which is near Kharkiv. When asked again why she had an urgent need to travel to Moscow after 2014, she repeated that it was for her parents’ medication and stressed that no one else could collect it.</span></p>
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			            	Teslenko’s interview began with her motions to recuse two HQCJ members—Sydorovych and Volkova. She argued that they had previously voted in favor of a decision finding that she lacked the competence required for appellate court positions, a competition in which she had also participated. 
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<h3><b>Dmytro Kravets</b></h3>
<p><b>Legal Counsel, Legal Service of the Central Base of Military and Technical Support, National Guard of Ukraine</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kravets.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32419" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kravets.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kravets.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kravets-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kravets-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE opened the interview by reviewing Dmytro Kravets’s career. He has worked as a lawyer since his student years and has experience as an attorney. In 2025, he served as legal counsel within a military service structure and later moved to the Main Directorate of the National Guard of Ukraine. Kravets said he worked on criminal proceedings involving misappropriation of property, abuse of office, and nondisclosure (in declarations), but that his practice was primarily civil. He said he has no experience participating in court hearings in corruption cases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Discussion of the candidate’s law firm revealed significant financial anomalies. Kravets said the drop in income in 2024 to UAH 93,000 was due to having fewer cases. He also explained his family’s low standard of living (below the subsistence minimum) by saying they are</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> “an ordinary Ukrainian family”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">: they do not go to restaurants, they save money, and they receive food from his wife’s parents. Despite his claim that he had only 10 cases in 2024, the court register reflected his involvement in more than 50 cases. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The biggest questions concerned the source of funds for an apartment in Sofiivska Borshchahivka purchased for UAH 1.4 million (2021). By the commission’s calculations, Kravets’s official income for 2013–2018 totaled only about $13,000; at the same time, he reported saving $13,000, and his first real estate investment was $20,000. Kravets said he supplemented his savings with wedding gifts (about $15,000) and a loan from relatives, and that he conducted all transactions exclusively in cash.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also pointed to questionable employment history at an insurance company (2013–2015), where official records showed he earned a very modest salary. Kravets did not clearly rebut suggestions of “cash-in-envelope” payments, nor did he provide a convincing explanation of how he managed to accumulate foreign currency without spending earnings on basic needs.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Continuing the questions about the apartment purchase, the commission also raised doubts about his investment activity. Kravets said he invested $20,000 in a property and, a year later, earned $42,000 in profit from assigning the rights—funds that, together with a loan from his brother, allegedly went toward the purchase of the new apartment. However, he provided no contracts, saying the documents were not preserved—neither by him nor by the developer. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel also questioned the underreported values of vehicles. In 2016, he bought a Honda for UAH 100,000 and sold it for only UAH 40,000, which is far below market. Even more doubts were raised by a Volkswagen purchased for UAH 49,000: that price allowed him to bypass the legal requirement for non-cash payments (the threshold is UAH 50,000) and pay in cash. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ emphasized that Kravets might appear to be an “unsuccessful attorney” with minimal income, yet the court register for 2024 alone shows his participation in 82 court decisions. In one case, he formally sought reimbursement of UAH 50,000 in legal fees; in another, the file reflected a direct transfer from a client to his personal account in the amount of UAH 16,000. Even though the cost of just one of his statements of claim (UAH 9,000) exceeded his official monthly income, Kravets continued to deny receiving undeclared money.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When a commission member asked him directly, </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“If you were an observer, would you believe this?”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Kravets did not give a concrete answer, limiting himself to the statement that the law firm’s income is </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“distributed across months.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned military registration and the candidate’s current service. Oleksandr Kravets said that since April 2025 he has been on active military service and holds the position of senior officer in the National Guard’s legal service, where he provides legal support for procurement in the construction sector. There was also confusion about the dates of updating his military records: the candidate said he updated information through “Reserve+” in 2022, but commission members noted that the app did not exist at that time. He said he underwent a military medical commission for the first time only in March 2025.</span></p>
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			            	HQCJ emphasized that Kravets might appear to be an “unsuccessful attorney” with minimal income, yet the court register for 2024 alone shows his participation in 82 court decisions.
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<h3><b>Viktor Maslov </b></h3>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Maslov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32421" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Maslov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Maslov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Maslov-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Maslov-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Maslov’s interview opened with a discussion of his views on EU requirements in the context of judicial reform. He said he closely follows legal developments and is familiar with the full list of Ukraine’s commitments to the European Union. In particular, he supported the involvement of international experts in selection commissions, describing it as justified and beneficial for transparent recruitment.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that his position is sensitive because in 2019, as a member of the Council of Judges of Ukraine, Maslov participated in delegating representatives to the selection commission for HQCJ members. Responding to public criticism that the process was allegedly being blocked, Maslov said the Council of Judges did not obstruct competitions and acted only after they were officially announced, in line with legal requirements.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview then turned to the Onyshchenko case and Maslov’s role in it. PCIE first asked about the episode in which the former MP himself reported to anti-corruption authorities an unsuccessful attempt to bribe a HACC judge.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE then raised an older case in which Maslov was alleged to have persuaded a suspect to plead guilty. Maslov said it was one of the first cases assigned to him after HACC was established, and that a different panel considered the plea agreement. According to him, his panel later heard the indictment after a reclassification of charges and ultimately issued an acquittal, which was later upheld by the appellate instance and the Supreme Court.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One of the central issues was the decision by the HACC Appeals Chamber to return the Onyshchenko case for a new trial. Maslov’s panel spent several months in deliberations. The HACC Appeals Chamber found that the judges had breached the secrecy of deliberations by attending training events and a judges’ congress while drafting the verdict. Maslov argued that it is not realistically possible to remain in the deliberation room for months without leaving the courthouse at all. He said the judges did not communicate with third parties and that the events they attended were mandatory, so he did not view their actions as a violation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate part of the interview covered financial matters. PCIE asked about a 2020 loan from his father of approximately UAH 700,000 and a subsequent cash gift to Maslov of UAH 1.53 million (nearly $50,000). Maslov said half of the gifted amount was counted toward repayment of the loan, and he used the other half to purchase a land plot. He said the transaction was notarized, the funds were declared, and the bank conducted financial monitoring.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about allegedly undeclared property belonging to Maslov’s wife in the Sumy region. The judge said everything was correctly reflected in the declarations: his wife inherited a house and land plots in the Sumy region, but sold them to a relative in the same year and declared the income. HQCJ asked about a reported sale amount that did not match tax data. Maslov suggested the tax authority may have entered the appraised value into the register rather than the contract price.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Maslov’s disciplinary record. Specifically, a warning issued by the High Council of Justice in June 2025. Under the law, a judge with an unexpunged disciplinary sanction cannot participate in a competition for a position in another court. Maslov said the sanction is now considered expunged because six months have passed. He added that he is challenging the decision in the Supreme Court and that the hearing is scheduled for April 2. Explaining why he submitted documents while the sanction was still in effect, Maslov said he did not consider it an obstacle because the competition was for the same court where he already serves.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The final question concerned eight speeding tickets issued between 2021 and 2025. Maslov said he considers himself a disciplined driver and described the incidents as isolated and unintentional. He also said he would make efforts to avoid such violations in the future.</span></p>
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			            	The interview also addressed Maslov’s disciplinary record. Specifically, a warning issued by the High Council of Justice in June 2025. Maslov said the sanction is now considered expunged because six months have passed. He added that he is challenging the decision in the Supreme Court and that the hearing is scheduled for April 2. Explaining why he submitted documents while the sanction was still in effect, Maslov said he did not consider it an obstacle because the competition was for the same court where he already serves.
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<h3><b>Oksana Yevlakh</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Romny City District Court, Sumy Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YEvlah.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32413" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YEvlah.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YEvlah.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YEvlah-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YEvlah-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The first pointed question for Judge Yevlakh concerned the gift of a house in Romny in the summer of 2022. PCIE demanded an explanation of why such a gift was made and the status of the person who provided it. The candidate said that during her divorce, her husband proposed that he keep the jointly acquired marital home, and that he would instead find (purchase) property for her in Romny. They found the house through listings, and her husband arranged with the owner to execute the transfer as a gift deed in Yevlakh’s name. She said she did not witness the actual transfer of money at the time of the purchase and has no evidence of it. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevlakh said she does not view this as a violation of gift restrictions for public officials. She said she reached that conclusion by reviewing court decisions stating that a gift constitutes a violation only if it is provided in connection with the recipient’s official position. However, she added that today it looks </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“at least complicated and strange,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and that </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“a judge should not act that way.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">She said she did not know the donor and saw him only when the documents were signed before a notary. Later, the candidate transferred the house to her aunt as a gift for 10 months and then transferred it back into her own ownership, because for a period of time she was concerned that her husband might try to challenge how she obtained it after a conflict.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about the allegedly understated value of a 2004 Toyota Avensis. Yevlakh said the declared figure reflected the car’s real value given the need for repairs. The experts also considered understated the price of a land plot purchased for UAH 15,000, which the candidate said she intended to use for office premises. The plot’s appraised value was nearly UAH 50,000, but Yevlakh said a realtor selected the property for her and negotiated the price because the sale was urgent.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked about purchasing a house for her daughter in the village of Ovlashi, Yevlakh said she and the child’s father made the joint decision so their daughter would have a summer house, but plans changed due to the war. The candidate explained her former husband’s high income by saying he was an entrepreneur engaged in wholesale trade, and that her declarations reflected gross receipts from sales rather than net income. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Many questions concerned situations where the candidate did not report the value of certain real estate and a vehicle in her declarations despite having that information. She said that at the time (2015–2016), there were no clear explanations, so she interpreted the obligation to declare value as applying only in the year the asset was acquired. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also noted that from 2010 to November 2013, Yevlakh served as a local council member affiliated with the Party of Regions. Experts found that in some questionnaires she reported being only a member of the Our Ukraine party, while in another she listed membership in the Party of Regions as well. Yevlakh said she provided different information because she did not consider herself a member of the Party of Regions. She said she was not part of the central party organization and did not attend party congresses, unlike with Our Ukraine. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It also emerged that in 2025–2026 Judge Yevlakh showed active interest in a commercial case involving the Komyshanskyi company, which concerned, among other things, wholesale transport services—an area in which her husband was also engaged. The candidate could not recall why she used full access to search the court decisions register and reviewed nearly all personalized texts. She suggested only that she may have been looking for identifying details of participants in her own case.</span></p>
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			            	It also emerged that in 2025–2026 Judge Yevlakh showed active interest in a commercial case involving the Komyshanskyi company, which concerned, among other things, wholesale transport services—an area in which her husband was also engaged. The candidate could not recall why she used full access to search the court decisions register and reviewed nearly all personalized texts.
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<h3><b>Vitalii Koriahin</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Ternivka City Court</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Koryagin.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32417" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Koryagin.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Koryagin.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Koryagin-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Koryagin-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During Vitalii Koriahin’s interview, members of PCIE and HQCJ focused on several areas involving his assets, professional activity, and a civil matter in which questions were raised about his wife’s role as an attorney. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A substantial portion of the interview concerned how the candidate’s mother acquired an apartment. The issue was about a situation where the property was initially registered in Koriahin’s name and later transferred to his mother by a court decision. Koriahin said the apartment was in fact purchased with his mother’s funds, but she was ill at the time and could not appear before a notary, so she did not object to having the apartment registered in his name. He said the subsequent court dispute arose from a family conflict and deteriorating relations with his parents, and the court ultimately granted his mother’s claim. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The very fact of a lawsuit between close relatives prompted follow-up questions, including why the ownership right was initially registered in the candidate’s name. Koriahin again linked this to his mother’s health at the time the contract was signed. He also said that in court he acknowledged the apartment belonged to his mother and asked for the case to be considered without his participation. He explained that he made this request because he worked at that court. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Additional questions concerned his use of a garage. Koriahin said the garage had been built without permits in the late 1990s and that he had no formal legal basis for using it. However, he emphasized that he nevertheless reported the garage in his declarations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned criminal proceedings that later became the subject of European Court of Human Rights review due to excessive length. The candidate said his procedural involvement was limited in time and that key decisions on interim measures were made by other judges both before and after the case was assigned to him. He said the decision he made was well-reasoned and was not overturned on appeal.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE and HQCJ also returned to the issue of a potential conflict of interest in a civil case in which one of the parties filed a complaint about him. In particular, the complainant alleged that Koriahin’s wife represented the opposing party. Koriahin said the allegation related to different proceedings: he considered one case in which his wife was not the claimant’s representative. Moreover, he said that by the time he heard that case, the contractual relationship between his wife and the participant had already ended because the other case had concluded. </span></p>
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			            	A separate block of questions concerned criminal proceedings that later became the subject of European Court of Human Rights review due to excessive length. The candidate said his procedural involvement was limited in time and that key decisions on interim measures were made by other judges both before and after the case was assigned to him.
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<h3><b>Oleksandr Ivasyn</b></h3>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Department of International, Civil, and Commercial Law, State University of Trade and Economics</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ivasyn.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32444" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ivasyn.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ivasyn.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ivasyn-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ivasyn-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a review of Ivasyn’s professional background. He said he combines legal practice with teaching. From 2011, he headed the university’s legal department and later moved into academia. He currently teaches civil and commercial procedure and also runs short courses for civil servants on how to complete asset declarations and prevent corruption. </span></p>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In his legal practice, Ivasyn primarily specializes in commercial law, but said about 30% of his work involves criminal proceedings. He has participated in roughly 15 cases—at both the pretrial investigation and trial stages—involving abuse of office, misappropriation of property (Article 191 of the Criminal Code), official forgery, and receiving an improper benefit. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE raised questions about CASE &amp; PARTNERS INTERNATIONAL, a firm Ivasyn co-founded. Although the company has operated since 2016 and handled about 30 cases, the first officially reported profit in his declarations appeared only in 2021. Ivasyn said that in the early years all earnings were reinvested into developing the business—office rent, marketing, and launching training courses—and that he supported himself during that period through academic and teaching work.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also referred to Ivasyn’s prior attempt to join HACC in 2018. At that time, PCIE and HQCJ found that he did not meet integrity criteria, citing numerous issues in his declarations. Ivasyn acknowledged that he had made mistakes in preparation and had not taken all necessary steps, but said he had drawn conclusions since then and was now fully ready to serve as a judge. He confirmed that he accepted HQCJ’s earlier criticisms regarding his savings as of 2015 and the declared values of a land plot and a Hyundai Getz. He also explained the purchase of a garden house and a land plot in 2025. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission questioned him in detail about how he accumulated savings given his ongoing expenses. Ivasyn said he currently spends about UAH 15,000–20,000 per month, not counting loan payments of UAH 18,000. He said his savings resulted from a long period of working as an individual entrepreneur and regularly setting money aside, which he said is reflected in his declarations since 2018.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate focus was a Facebook post published by the candidate titled,</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> “How to declare cash you have always had but did not previously disclose.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> PCIE noted that the post appeared a year after he had been found not to meet integrity criteria in the previous HACC competition. Ivasyn said that since 2016 he has lectured to civil servants, and that the post was an attempt to respond to frequent questions from participants who were afraid to declare cash because they feared criminals might steal it. He acknowledged that he chose an unfortunate wording and later deleted the post, insisting that he had never followed such recommendations himself.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When HQCJ noted that this advice about declaring cash coincided with his participation in the competition for the Kyiv Court of Appeal, Ivasyn could not provide a clear explanation. He called it an unfortunate mistake and again stressed that he was not proposing any mechanism to conceal real wealth, but was trying to be helpful to his audience.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, HQCJ posed a hypothetical: if, as a HACC judge, Ivasyn were considering a case against another judge for false asset declarations and the defendant claimed to have acted based on Ivasyn’s post, would he recuse himself? The candidate said no, stating he saw no grounds for recusal in that scenario.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also referred to a 2021 article by Ivasyn in which he argued that individuals should have a chance to reform and that, after a certain period, it should be possible to be removed from the public register of corrupt officials. He said this was his academic position and that it now aligns with recent legislative changes adopted by Parliament and with NACP procedures.</span></p>
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			            	During the interview, HQCJ posed a hypothetical: if, as a HACC judge, Ivasyn were considering a case against another judge for false asset declarations and the defendant claimed to have acted based on Ivasyn’s post, would he recuse himself? The candidate said no, stating he saw no grounds for recusal in that scenario.
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<h3><b>Petro Romanenko</b></h3>
<p><b>Deputy Head for Legal Affairs, District Territorial Recruitment and Social Support Center, Samar District</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Romanenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32448" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Romanenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Romanenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Romanenko-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Romanenko-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A central issue in the interview was whether Romanenko has sufficient experience to work at HACC. He said he had participated in only one case involving a corruption offense, which prompted follow-up questions given the court’s specialized jurisdiction.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate was also asked about his participation in elections to the Novomoskovsk City Council. He said he was not a party member and agreed to run at the request of friends who wanted to influence the city’s development in a way that aligned with his values.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed his wife’s acquisition in 2012 of a house and land plot in Samar for a total declared value of UAH 129,000. Romanenko said the purchase was funded through their joint savings and emphasized that the house was in poor condition, adding that he has photographs to confirm this. PCIE members noted that the candidate reacted rather emotionally to questions about assets.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel also discussed a case in which Romanenko sued a local authority over amendments to a public square reconstruction project and sought compensation for moral damages. He said he filed the claim out of outrage at the local government’s actions and the destruction of a green area in the city. He added that the moral damages claim was not particularly important to him, but was included as a point he could concede during negotiations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked a number of questions about his knowledge of anti-corruption legislation, and in several instances the candidate said he was not ready to answer.</span></p>
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			            	HQCJ asked a number of questions about his knowledge of anti-corruption legislation, and in several instances the candidate said he was not ready to answer.
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<h3><b>Yurii Bodnaruk </b></h3>
<p><b>Judicial Assistant, HACC Appeals Chamber</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bodnaruk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32442" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bodnaruk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bodnaruk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bodnaruk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bodnaruk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This is Bodnaruk’s second attempt to become a HACC judge. The first point PCIE members raised was that on February 26 the Supreme Court was scheduled to hear Bodnaruk’s case challenging the previous decision finding him unfit for a HACC judgeship.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For the experts, the central question was whether anything had changed since the last competition. Bodnaruk’s position was that PCIE’s earlier decision contained factual and methodological errors that, in his opinion, resulted in his income being calculated as lower than it actually was.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The previous decision concluded that for 13 years Bodnaruk lived on an unusually low income—about $150 per month. He argued that this calculation was wrong, saying he did not live on $150 per month but on $236, because under the Family Code his parents were obligated to support him for two of those 13 years while he was in postgraduate study. In addition, he said that different registries reflecting his official income showed inconsistent figures for 2008 and 2011, which, in his view, added another $600 to his total income for those years.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE nonetheless questioned how the candidate could live in a large city like Odesa on $7.36 per day ($236/30 days). Bodnaruk responded that, taking into account savings, and assuming a subsistence minimum of $100, “I still had </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">about 2.5 subsistence minimums left for expenses</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><b><i>given my modest lifestyle</i></b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A particularly notable point was that in May 2025 he signed a gift agreement documenting that his mother had given him $30,000 to purchase an apartment—an attempt to dispel doubts that he had sufficient funds to buy real estate in Odesa. HQCJ noted, however, that the gift itself allegedly took place in 2016, while the contract was executed in 2025, which is not permissible under civil law because the gift transaction had already been completed and the legal relationship had ended. Bodnaruk said he had previously provided explanations about the gift, but they were not mentioned in PCIE’s earlier decision, so he signed the agreement as additional confirmation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The experts also asked about the candidate’s sale of a car. In his 2019 declaration, he reported income from the sale but did not declare the fact of entering into the sales transaction. Bodnaruk said the car was actually sold in 2019, but due to malfunctions at service centers it could not be formally processed at the time. As a result, he and the buyer drew up a power of attorney, and the vehicle was ultimately re-registered and sold in 2020.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In closing, Bodnaruk said he challenged PCIE’s earlier finding of unfitness because he had two conflicting assessments: a decision by the selection commission for HQCJ members finding him eligible to serve on HQCJ, and the opposite conclusion by PCIE regarding a HACC judgeship.</span></p>
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			            	In closing, Bodnaruk said he challenged PCIE’s earlier finding of unfitness because he had two conflicting assessments: a decision by the selection commission for HQCJ members finding him eligible to serve on HQCJ, and the opposite conclusion by PCIE regarding a HACC judgeship.
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<h3><b>Serhii Kovalchuk</b></h3>
<p><b>Professor, Ivano-Frankivsk Educational and Research Law Institute, Odesa Law Academy</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kovalchuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32446" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kovalchuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kovalchuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kovalchuk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kovalchuk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with questions about Kovalchuk’s background. He said he has been an academic since 2002. He has defended a dissertation and argued that deep familiarity with case law, together with producing scholarly work, is sufficient preparation for judicial service.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Discussing his participation in prior competitions, Kovalchuk said he is seeking professional growth. He noted, however, that he previously did not score enough points to qualify for the Supreme Court, and in the competition for the High Council of Justice he received a negative opinion from the Ethics Council finding that he did not meet the standards of integrity and professional ethics—an assessment he disputes.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission asked about his cohabitation with his mother, given that she was not listed in his declarations. Kovalchuk said his mother spent a long period caring for his grandmother in another region, so he did not consider it necessary to include her, and he said he had no intent to conceal her income. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The greatest doubts concerned Kovalchuk’s reporting for 2018. With an official after-tax income of UAH 134,000, he reported saving UAH 54,000 in cash. He also said he spent about UAH 39,000 on support and had only about UAH 40,000 left for living expenses for the year (roughly UAH 3,000 per month). Kovalchuk acknowledged that this could raise questions, but said it was a single difficult year during which he lived at roughly the subsistence minimum.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE found that in 2008 the price of a Toyota Corolla he purchased (UAH 117,500) exceeded his family’s total income (UAH 110,000). Kovalchuk explained this by saying his parents helped him financially and suggested registry data may be inaccurate. Additional questions were raised about his accumulation of $13,000 in savings between 2014 and 2019.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also paid special attention to his work at the Ivano-Frankivsk institute of the Odesa Law Academy. Asked about his relationship with the Academy’s president, Serhii Kivalov, Kovalchuk said they have known each other for 15 years but have strictly professional relations. He emphasized that he views Kivalov’s political links to the Russian Federation negatively, and said the Ivano-Frankivsk institute is a separate legal entity to which the founder’s politics do not extend.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also asked about the candidate’s second degree—a master’s in psychology. Kovalchuk was unable to explain the difference between cognitive and psychological approaches. When asked to name prominent psychology scholars, he named three people, two of whom (Oleksii Chernovskyi and Viktor Koshchynets) hold doctorates in law rather than psychology. He was also unable to name any international experts in the field.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also referred to Kovalchuk’s academic article on plea agreements. He said legislative amendments adopted in November 2024 took an approach diametrically opposed to the one he had advocated, because he supported HACC’s earlier practice of not entering into plea agreements in corruption cases. During a rapid-fire HQCJ “blitz” on the nuances of plea agreements, the candidate made an inaccuracy when answering a question about whether agreements can be concluded with an organizer.</span></p>
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			            	The commission also asked about the candidate’s second degree—a master’s in psychology. Kovalchuk was unable to explain the difference between cognitive and psychological approaches. When asked to name prominent psychology scholars, he named three people, two of whom (Oleksii Chernovskyi and Viktor Koshchynets) hold doctorates in law rather than psychology.
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<h3><b>Viktoriia Bazeliuk</b></h3>
<p><b>Assistant Lecturer, Criminal Law Department, Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bazelyuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32438" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bazelyuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bazelyuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bazelyuk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Bazelyuk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate’s interview began with questions about her recent legal practice: Bazeliuk began working as an attorney in 2025 and has handled fewer than 10 cases so far.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">She was asked many questions about apartments in the Poltava region and in Kharkiv. In 2009, her family sold an apartment in the Poltava region for about $14,000, of which she received a $4,500 share. The local Bureau of Technical Inventory valued the apartment at UAH 37,000–38,000, while the contract reflected the actual amount, which in dollar terms was $14,000. Bazeliuk said she accumulated those funds—together with savings from salaries, gifts, and fees—to purchase an apartment in Kharkiv. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, the greatest number of questions concerned her relationship with, and events involving, her former live-in partner.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Bazeliuk acknowledged that she was formally listed as the owner of vehicles on two occasions. One involved a Hyundai SANTA FE purchased in 2016 by a close acquaintance who could not be present for re-registration and asked her to serve as the nominal owner for less than two months. She said she neither received nor paid any money and did not use the car even once.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The story with a Honda Civic drew even more attention. Bazeliuk said she had to register it in her name because otherwise she and her partner would not have been able to enter Belarus—she claimed that there was already a car with the same owner registered there.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It was also noted that in summer 2017, Bazeliuk and her partner, Yurii Milshyn, were involved in a traffic accident in that vehicle. Police drew up two reports against the candidate: one under Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses (refusal to undergo a sobriety test) and one under Article 124 (the accident itself). During the court review, it was established that Bazeliuk was not the driver and that the vehicle was driven by her partner; the police had mistakenly issued the reports against her. Experts noted that she had lived with Milshyn since 2013, so it appeared odd that in her testimony she referred to him as </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“a man I barely knew.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE members asked whether Milshyn might have been intoxicated, since he had previously been held liable under Article 130, which could explain the accident and why he was detained when he allegedly tried to flee. Bazeliuk responded that the driver on their vacation did not drink alcohol, except possibly nonalcoholic beer.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate acknowledged an error in not declaring her use, in her 2024 declaration, of a Chevrolet Volt belonging to her former partner. She said she believed that having a power of attorney for the car, without actually using it, did not create an obligation to declare it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed the fact that around 2020, Bazeliuk asked to keep her registered address at a dormitory of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University. She explained that in order to obtain a mortgage loan, she needed to have residence registration at the dormitory and to be placed on the housing waiting list.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It also emerged that before 2010, the candidate served as a representative at certain polling stations and received income that she did not report to the tax authorities.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Bazeliuk said she traveled to the Russian Federation multiple times before 2020 because her partner’s relatives lived there. Asked about the ethics of such travel, she said that at the time it was difficult for her to explain to her partner why she would refuse to visit his relatives.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Several questions concerned her academic work. In one of her papers, for example, she argued that the HACC is not a specialized court because it does not have a special procedural law. Asked whether every court must have its own procedural law, Bazeliuk said she had not fully worked through the issue. She also answered incorrectly when asked whether the legal conclusions she had drafted qualify as evidence under the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine.</span></p>
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			            	Bazeliuk said she traveled to the Russian Federation multiple times before 2020 because her partner’s relatives lived there. Asked about the ethics of such travel, she said that at the time it was difficult for her to explain to her partner why she would refuse to visit his relatives.
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<h3><b>Oleh Batiuk</b></h3>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Batyuk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32440" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Batyuk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Batyuk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Batyuk-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Batyuk-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE opened the interview by asking about the candidate’s motivation and professional development, including his completion of several anti-corruption courses. The greatest number of questions, however, concerned Batiuk’s ethics and integrity. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2019, the candidate declared total household income of UAH 33,000—an extremely low figure for a family with a child. Batiuk said the family’s annual spending was UAH 143,000, including UAH 100,000 in savings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">What concerned the experts more was that during the same period the candidate was practicing law, yet his declaration stated that his only income for 2019 was UAH 9,710, while the remaining UAH 24,000 consisted of his wife’s social benefits. However, it was established that Batiuk provided legal services in at least 15 cases, which would imply he earned less than UAH 1,000 per case. The candidate was unable to say what fee rates he charges for legal services.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Batiuk suggested that he may have had no income in 2019 because some matters could have been ongoing since 2016–2018 and clients might have paid retainers in advance. PCIE countered that in 2016–2018 he did not have cases that were at the trial stage.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Batiuk then acknowledged that on several occasions he received small “thank-you” payments of UAH 200–500 that he did not declare. He also did not declare income of UAH 10,000–11,000 from subleasing a land plot, which he likewise considered small.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also found that in 2018, under a decision of the Obolonskyi District Court, Batiuk was ordered to repay unemployment benefits he had received unlawfully. While working as an attorney, he applied to an employment center to receive unemployment payments. He said he believed that by paying social insurance contributions he would be protected from such situations, noting that shortly before applying he had been dismissed from his position as director of the Mariupol Legal Aid Center.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned apartments purchased by the candidate’s mother—first in Mariupol, where the price doubled over 18 months, and later in Kyiv. The candidate attempted to explain the origin of funds for his mother, a pensioner, but provided no documentary support. Batiuk also said that the sale contract for the Mariupol apartment listed an understated price, and that the true amount was later transferred to his mother in cash.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, during the interview the candidate often avoided giving direct, specific answers, and in some areas the experts did not receive clear explanations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ noted that the candidate completed the HACC candidate questionnaire very carelessly and, as later became clear, copied it without changes from an appellate court questionnaire, resulting in numerous errors. For example, he stated that he had applied to the High Council of Justice as a judge regarding interference in his work, even though he was not a judge.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Batiuk also claimed he had not been held liable recently, but several automated speeding tickets were issued in his name. He said the violations were committed by his wife while driving his car and that he was unaware of the fines. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also found that for a period from March 30 to October 2, 2022, the candidate was listed as being in unauthorized absence from his unit. According to his account, that information was later not confirmed by the military unit itself.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Batiuk was also asked professional questions. For example, he was asked what he would do if another judge at his court received a gift in violation of anti-corruption legislation. He said he would report it to the High Council of Justice and to anti-corruption agencies, but added that if he learned about something like that only from rumors, he </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“wouldn’t run to” the High Council of Justice and “that wouldn’t happen.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions about how the candidate combined military service with legal practice were reviewed by HQCJ in closed session.</span></p>
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			            	Batiuk then acknowledged that on several occasions he received small “thank-you” payments of UAH 200–500 that he did not declare. He also did not declare income of UAH 10,000–11,000 from subleasing a land plot, which he likewise considered small.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/interview-notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-two/">Interview Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week Two</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>How to Tackle “Toilet Schemes”: an Analysis of Draft Law No. 14039</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-to-tackle-toilet-schemes-an-analysis-of-draft-law-no-14039/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Андрій Швадчак]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 24 Feb 2026 09:35:57 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32456</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Can parliament eliminate abuses in land allocation?</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-to-tackle-toilet-schemes-an-analysis-of-draft-law-no-14039/">How to Tackle “Toilet Schemes”: an Analysis of Draft Law No. 14039</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Can parliament eliminate abuses in land allocation?</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In early 2025, the NABU and the SAPO carried out a Clean City Operation, which exposed a large-scale </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52023000000000154"><span style="font-weight: 400;">corruption scheme</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the unlawful appropriation of land in Kyiv.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to investigators, a criminal organization, including former and current Kyiv City Council members, officials of the Kyiv City State Administration, and municipal enterprises, used the so-called “toilet scheme.” This is a common tactic in which a small structure is built on a land plot and registered as real property (sometimes a structure that in practice does not exist), after which the “owner” gains the right to purchase the land beneath it without a land auction.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Notably, if law enforcement had not documented fictitious property registration and efforts to influence local authorities to secure land-allocation decisions, holding the participants accountable would have been far more difficult. That is because land legislation allows owners of real estate to acquire, through a noncompetitive process, the land plot on which the property is located without any limits on the size of that plot. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In September last year, parliament registered </span><a href="https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billinfo/Bills/Card/57301"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft Law No. 14039</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, intended to regulate how owners of buildings and structures may acquire state- and municipally owned land plots on which those objects are located. Below is our analysis of whether the proposed approach can eliminate the “toilet scheme” and reduce corruption in the land sector. </span></p>
<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Key takeaways</span></h2>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>TI Ukraine supports adopting Draft Law No. 14039 at first reading;</b></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>the draft law addresses two core problems that enable “toilet schemes”:</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> it sets limits on the size of a land plot that can be acquired without an auction, and it requires market-based auctions if the plot exceeds the maximum;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">however, before the second reading</span><b>, the draft law needs revisions, because the proposed approach still preserves certain risks. </b></li>
</ul>
<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Our priority recommendations </span></h2>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">establish, by law, a guaranteed minimum share for the state or a territorial community in investment projects implemented on state- or municipally owned land, by requiring the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine to set a minimum percentage of residential floor area that must be transferred to the state/community in completed housing developments;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">enshrine in law a requirement that investment projects involving housing construction on municipally owned land may be implemented only if the investor has first acquired the relevant land-use rights to the land plots in question;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">require the executive authority or local self-government body to publish the acquirer’s application, the documents submitted, and the inspection report prepared following the on-site examination of the real estate.</span></li>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">How the “toilet scheme” works</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Land legislation requires that state- or municipally owned land plots be transferred into ownership or use on a competitive basis through land auctions. Only a limited number of cases are exempt; for example, allocation within a public-private partnership or free privatization. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One such exemption applies when a land plot contains real estate owned by an individual or a legal entity. In that case, the owner may purchase or lease the land plot beneath the object directly, without an auction. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This mechanism is intended to ensure proper access to and maintenance of the real estate facility and to preserve the inseparable legal link between the property and the land plot on which it is located. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, the absence of statutory limits on the size of the land plot transferred for maintaining the property creates significant room for abuse. Registered ownership of a small structure, such as a public restroom (which is where the scheme gets its name), effectively allows the “owner” to obtain ownership or use rights to a land plot that is dozens, and sometimes hundreds, of times larger than the structure itself. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Gaps in the regulatory framework further create corruption risks. In particular, the lack of mandatory verification of how a person acquired ownership of the real estate has enabled the widespread practice of unlawfully constructing such objects and then fictitiously registering ownership. Another major corruption driver in the land-transfer process is the current approach to determining the sale price based on an expert monetary valuation, which can be artificially understated.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As a result, the “toilet scheme” leads to the transfer of state and municipal land plots that are far larger than necessary to service the structures located on them. In addition, public budgets lose revenues they could have received if the land had been sold through competitive auctions.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What changes are proposed?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under the draft law, the </span><b>size</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of vacant state- and municipally owned land plots that are sold or granted for use to owners of buildings located on them without an auction would be </span><b>determined using a methodology approved by the Cabinet of Ministers</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If a plot exceeds the maximum size set by the methodology, the portion necessary to service the building, within the allowable limit, would be carved out. If the owner needs a larger plot, the owner would be able to purchase or lease it through a land auction. In the case of a sale, the auction would be held with a preemptive right for the building owner to purchase the land at the price established at auction.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If the owner loses the auction, the owner would still be entitled to obtain the portion of the plot needed to maintain the property:</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">– If a third party purchases the plot: a portion would be carved out to maintain the real estate object and transferred into the property owner’s ownership, and the value of that carved-out portion would be compensated to the third-party purchaser (the landowner) proportionally to the auction price paid for the land;</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">– If a third party leases the plot: the owner of the building located on the plot could obtain access to the land needed to maintain the property, with the scope and procedure for such access to be defined in an agreement with the lessee.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, the </span><b>draft law would require land-disposing authorities to verify the authenticity of documents confirming ownership of the building</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, including through an on-site inspection, when deciding whether to allocate land outside an auction. If the authority identifies indications that the documents are unreliable, it would be required to go to court to protect the rights and legitimate interests of the state or the territorial community.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Beyond eliminating the “toilet scheme,” some provisions of the draft law also seek</span><b> to regulate certain aspects of implementing investment projects for housing construction on state-owned land</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In particular, the draft law introduces a requirement that investment projects involving housing construction on state land be implemented either as a public-private partnership or only after the developer has first acquired the relevant land-use rights to the land plots in question. This approach is intended to ensure that land is transferred for development only on a competitive basis. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft law also sets a minimum state share in housing investment projects carried out on state-owned land: no less than the market value of the land plot on which housing will be constructed, determined under valuation legislation as of the date the agreement is signed. </span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Risks</span></h2>
<ol>
<li><b> Corruption risks in verifying documents for property located on a land plot</b></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft law requires an executive authority or local self-government body to verify the authenticity of documents confirming ownership of a building only when land is allocated outside an auction. In our view, verification is also necessary when the plot is sold through an auction that grants a preemptive purchase right. Without proper oversight, this mechanism will continue to encourage unauthorized construction and fictitious registration of ownership.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, the proposed approach preserves a corruption risk, because officials of executive authorities and local self-government bodies may not always act objectively and with integrity during inspections. This creates opportunities for abuse and unlawful decisions. It would therefore be advisable to also require publication of all documents related to such verification in order to ensure accountability and enable public oversight. </span></p>
<ol start="2">
<li><b> Gaps in guaranteeing the state’s share in housing investment projects</b></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft law sets a guaranteed minimum state share in investment projects implemented on state-owned land—not below the market value of the relevant land plot. However, this rule would not apply where the investor uses the plot under a lease or superficies right, or under the terms of a public-private partnership.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In our opinion, using land under a lease or superficies, or entering into an agreement under the Law of Ukraine on Public-Private Partnership, </span><b>does not in itself guarantee that the state will receive a share </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">in the completed development.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The PPP Law grants the tender commission the </span><b>right, rather than an obligation</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, to include minimum requirements on the amount of residential floor area that must become the property of the public partner in the tender documentation and, as a result, in the PPP agreement. It therefore appears advisable to </span><b>apply a single, consistent approach to determining the guaranteed minimum state share in housing investment projects implemented on state-owned land</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, the draft law ties the minimum state share to the market value of the land plot, determined under valuation legislation as of the date the agreement is concluded. </span><b>But valuation procedures are closely associated with corruption risks and can be used to artificially understate the value of the land plot</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, in the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52024000000000088"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ministry for Development of Communities and Territories Corruption Case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, an understated valuation of the land plot made it possible to significantly reduce the amount of housing that should have been transferred to the state under investment agreements—the difference between market and contractual values exceeded UAH 1 billion. A similar situation occurred in the case involving </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52021000000000277"><span style="font-weight: 400;">MP Isaienko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, where the real value of the land plot and the property on it was understated by more than UAH 200 million. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Given this, it is worth considering alternative methods for determining the state’s share in housing investment projects that do not depend on valuation results. One possible approach would be for the government to set a </span><b>minimum percentage of residential floor area</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that must be transferred to the state through the relevant authority or enterprise, in completed housing developments.</span></p>
<ol start="3">
<li><b> Shortcomings in regulating how state land is acquired for housing construction</b></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under the draft law, acquisition of land-use rights to state-owned land plots for the purpose of implementing housing investment projects on such land would take into account the specific features set out in the Law of Ukraine on Public-Private Partnership, except for investment projects carried out on land plots granted to the investor under a lease or superficies right.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This provision is intended to ensure that investors acquire rights to use state land for housing construction only through a competitive process, as required both for PPP projects and for leases or superficies. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, under the PPP Law, in a PPP project involving housing construction, the land plot may be provided to the private partner for use only under a lease or superficies right. Accordingly, </span><b>carving out a separate category for acquiring land-use rights for investment projects implemented as public-private partnerships is incorrect</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, because in such projects the investor likewise obtains the right to use the land plot </span><b>exclusively</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> under a lease or superficies right.</span></p>
<ol start="4">
<li><b> Failure to account for territorial communities’ interests in housing investment projects</b></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to the explanatory note, the bill’s objectives include:</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> “introducing a requirement that housing investment projects on state or municipal land be implemented as a PPP or only after prior acquisition of rights to the relevant land plots,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">and </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“establishing a legally guaranteed minimum share for the state or a territorial community in investment projects implemented on state- or municipally owned land.</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, the draft law establishes these requirements and guarantees only for investment projects on state-owned land. This indicates that the draft only partially aligns with its stated objectives and does not fully account for the interests of territorial communities.</span></p>
<ol start="5">
<li><b> Inconsistent limits on using certain land plots in investment activities</b></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft law provides that state- and municipally owned land plots acquired by owners of real estate facilities located on them into ownership or use without land auctions may be used for investment activity only if their size does not exceed the maximum established by the Cabinet of Ministers’ methodology for maintaining the relevant real estate object. An exception applies to plots acquired through land auctions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This rule appears logical given the need to limit development on state and municipal land obtained outside competitive procedures and, in particular, not at market value. However, under the general principles governing ownership rights in Ukraine’s civil legislation, an owner may possess, use, and dispose of their property at their own discretion. In that context, </span><b>state interference with the owner’s right to use a land plot they own for investment activity appears questionable</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Conclusion</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft Law No. 14039 proposes a combined approach to transferring vacant state- and municipally owned land plots to owners of buildings and structures located on them. As is the case now, individuals and legal entities would be able to acquire a land plot without an auction if its area does not exceed the maximum size necessary to service the real estate object; that maximum would be determined under a Cabinet of Ministers–approved methodology. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If the plot exceeds the applicable cap, it would either be subdivided to carve out the portion needed to maintain the real estate facility, or it would be put up for auction at the initiative of the real estate owner, who would have the opportunity to purchase the plot at the price established at auction or to lease it through a competitive procedure.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If the owner loses the auction or cannot match the auction price, then:</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"><br />
</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">-if a third party purchases the land plot, a portion necessary to maintain the real estate would be carved out and transferred into ownership of the real estate owner; the value of that carved-out portion would be reimbursed to the new landowner proportionally to the price paid at auction; </span><span style="font-weight: 400;"><br />
</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">&#8211; if the land plot is leased to a third party, the owner of the building located on the plot would be entitled to access the land as needed to service the property, with the scope and procedure for such access to be set out in an agreement with the lessee.</span></p>
<p><b>TI Ukraine supports adopting Draft Law No. 14039, because it addresses two key problems that enable the “toilet scheme”:</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> it limits the size of land plots that can be obtained without an auction, and it requires competitive procedures where the requested plot exceeds the maximum size. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, </span><b>the draft needs revision before the second reading, because the proposed approach still preserves certain risks. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">First, imposing a formal duty on executive authorities and local self-government bodies to verify the authenticity of documents confirming ownership of real estate objects, including through on-site inspections, does not, in itself, guarantee the impartiality or quality of such verification.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Second, tying the minimum state share in housing investment projects to the market value of the land plot is questionable. Valuation procedures are closely associated with corruption risks and can be used to artificially understate land values. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for a guaranteed share for territorial communities in such investment projects, the draft law does not provide for one at all.</span></p>
<p><b>To address these and other shortcomings, we recommend that, before the second reading, parliament:</b></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">require executive authorities or local self-government bodies to publish the acquirer’s application, the supporting documents submitted, and the inspection report prepared following the examination of the real estate;</span></li>
</ul>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">delete, from Article 13(2)(2) of the Law on the Management of State-Owned Property, the words: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“except where the person who ensures the organization and/or financing (investment) of construction projects uses such land plot under a lease or superficies right, or where an agreement is concluded in accordance with the Law of Ukraine on Public-Private Partnership”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">establish, by law, a guaranteed minimum share for the state or a territorial community in investment projects implemented on state- or municipally owned land, by requiring the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine to set a minimum percentage of residential floor area that must be transferred to the state/community in completed housing developments;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">enshrine in law a guaranteed minimum share for territorial communities when entering into agreements that provide for the construction of residential real estate on municipally owned land and the allocation of future real estate objects between the construction customer and the party that ensures the organization and/or financing (investment) of construction;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">restate Article 9-1(8)(2) of the Law on the Management of State-Owned Property as follows: “State-owned land plots may be granted for use, on a leasehold or superficies basis, for the implementation of investment projects involving the construction of residential real estate and the allocation of future real estate between the construction customer and the person responsible for organizing and/or financing (investing) such construction.”</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">enshrine in law a requirement that investment projects involving housing construction on municipally owned land may be implemented only if the investor has first acquired the relevant land-use rights to the land plots in question.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material is funded by the European Union. Its content is the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. </span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-to-tackle-toilet-schemes-an-analysis-of-draft-law-no-14039/">How to Tackle “Toilet Schemes”: an Analysis of Draft Law No. 14039</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week One</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-one/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 20 Feb 2026 10:28:29 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32367</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Transparency International Ukraine experts watched all interviews and compiled the most notable moments in these notes.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-one/">Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week One</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On February 16, the Public Council of International Experts and the High Qualification Commission of Judges began interviews with candidates for the positions of HACC judges.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the first week, the following candidates completed this stage of the competition:</span></p>
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<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nataliia Doroshenko </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vladyslav Kukhta</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ihor Makaryk </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olena Tanasevych</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Rubashchenko</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Iryna Kuzina</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Ostapenko </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nazar Hryn </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vita Matolych</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Movchan </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksii Zaitsev</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Marta-Mariia Yatsynina </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ivan Posokhov </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oksana Hutsal </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Ostrohliad</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yevhen Kapitonovych</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Dudikov </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pavlo Shtifonov</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Antypenko</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Dudchenko</span></li>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Transparency International Ukraine experts watched all interviews and compiled the most notable moments in these notes. Candidates are listed in the order in which their interviews were conducted by the Public Council of International Experts and the High Qualification Commission of Judges.</span></p>
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			            	Transparency International Ukraine experts watched all interviews and compiled the most notable moments in these notes.
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<h3><b>Nataliia Doroshenko</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Rivne District Administrative Court</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Doroshenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32352" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Doroshenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="741" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Doroshenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Doroshenko-400x247.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Doroshenko-768x474.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a><br />
<span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with questions about a garden house declared in 2013. According to the candidate, her husband and his father built it on their own back in 2003. However, the land plot was privatized only in 2024, which drew the attention of the PCIE experts because the construction had taken place on land that had not been privatized at the time. Doroshenko explained that the house was built within a summer-house community association, and that the association’s land is currently being transferred into the ownership of the territorial community. The house is not registered as a residential property; she said it will be registered as such once it meets the relevant requirements.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Members of both PCIE and HQCJ also asked about Doroshenko’s husband’s garage business. She said he has been self-employed since 1998 and is currently registered as a first tax group individual entrepreneur. In 2025, he paid nearly UAH 46,000 in rent for the premises used for his business. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, a HQCJ member questioned the profitability of his car repair business. Doroshenko said that her husband’s income is UAH 350,000; however, given taxes, rent, utilities, and the cost of parts, the commission member suggested the business would appear unprofitable and raised doubts that all income was being declared. Doroshenko responded that there is no division into “men’s” and “women’s” work in their family; they have been married for 36 years, she relies on her husband’s support, and—she said—no one who knows how he works has such doubts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ members also asked about decisions Doroshenko made during the Revolution of Dignity period, when she served as a judge at the Rivne District Administrative Court in 2013. Among other things, they asked about rulings that annulled decisions by local councils to display the European flag alongside the State Flag of Ukraine during holidays and international events. Doroshenko was asked whose rights, and which specific rights, had been violated by those local council decisions, given the purpose of administrative justice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">She replied that although both sides in those cases were public authorities, the claims had been filed by prosecutors who, under their powers at the time, were required to protect the interests of the state, and the legislation then in force allowed them to do so. In her view, establishing that circumstance was sufficient grounds to cancel the local council decisions. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about her professional competence. Asked how the amount of a whistleblower reward is determined, Doroshenko was unable to provide a correct answer. Her explanation of the definition of a “whistleblower” was also not sufficiently clear.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the end of the interview, a PCIE member appeared surprised by Doroshenko’s response to a question about whether she had personally encountered corruption. She said no one had ever tried to influence her and no one had ever approached her about corrupt ways of resolving cases. The panel member replied that this was “hard to believe.”</span></p>
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			            	Questions were also raised about her professional competence. Asked how the amount of a whistleblower reward is determined, Doroshenko was unable to provide a correct answer. Her explanation of the definition of a “whistleblower” was also not sufficiently clear.
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<h3><b>Vladyslav Kukhta</b></h3>
<p><b>Chairman of Chernihiv District Court, Chernihiv Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuhta-1.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32368" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuhta-1.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuhta-1.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuhta-1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuhta-1-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a question from PCIE about what the candidate, as chief judge, had done to foster a corruption-free environment in the court. Kukhta responded that the court currently has only four judges, and that they are essentially </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“in full view” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">of one another. Any deviation from fair and honest adjudication, he said, would be noticeable to colleagues.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A PCIE representative then asked whether the candidate saw additional corruption risks in the fact that all judges can see case assignments, and that, in some situations, it may even be possible to predict who will receive a case if, for example, someone is out sick. Kukhta replied that their court uses an automated case assignment system. He added that some cases require a three-judge panel, so hearings are postponed until colleagues return from sick leave. In his view, there have been no situations in which it was possible to anticipate which judge would receive a particular case.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE then asked about a disciplinary sanction imposed on the candidate by the High Council of Justice in 2020 for removing himself from a criminal case. The recusal was based on the fact that the candidate’s wife was acquainted with one of the defense attorneys in the case. Kukhta said that he and the other judges on the panel granted the recusal so the defense would not be able to challenge the decision on that basis. As a result, however, the High Council of Justice sanctioned him for violating recusal rules. He did not appeal that decision.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kukhta did not disclose this in his 2021 integrity declaration because, he said, he believed that in 2019 he had not yet been held liable, and by December 2020 the sanction had already been expunged. He therefore saw no need to report it, though he later acknowledged that this might not have been entirely ethical.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The judge was also asked about the negative practice of closing DUI cases (Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses) due to the expiration of the statutory time limit. He explained that such decisions occurred when the limitation period was three months. Because the court has jurisdiction over rural areas, sending postal notices takes at least three days, and additional time is needed for a summons to be delivered or returned if not received. In that way, the deadline could expire. He noted, however, that since the limitation period was extended to one year, the court has not had such cases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission pointed out that in another Article 130 case (driving under the influence), the judge had treated the offense as minor. At the time, however, legislative amendments had already entered into force, prohibiting courts from classifying Article 130 offenses as minor. The judge acknowledged the error, after first explaining that the person facing administrative liability had cancer.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Further questions concerned the candidate’s judicial ethics—specifically, a situation in which he stepped down as court chairman for two months and then was elected chairman again for a third term. Under the law, the same judge may not serve more than two consecutive terms as court chairman. A brief “pause” in leadership therefore appeared to the commission to be an attempt to circumvent that restriction in order to secure a third term. Another notable aspect was that the judge elected as court chairman after Kukhta, who served for those two months, resigned immediately upon reaching the required length of service, obtaining lifetime judicial benefits. Legislation also provides a 10% salary supplement for serving as court chairman. As a result, that judge retired with the additional 10% reflected in her benefits, while Kukhta was able to be elected for a third term.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kukhta said he views the three-year term limit positively, but that his colleagues did not want to run for chairman. He added that after completing his second term, he took leave to give colleagues time to discuss and agree on a candidate. However, aside from the colleague who ultimately resigned, no one volunteered.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When asked by the commission whether he knew about that judge’s intent to resign, he initially said yes, but then stated that he </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“did not know for sure.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> He also said he had hoped she would </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“work at least another year and a half.”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Asked whether he vacated the court chairman&#8217;s office during her two-month term, he replied, </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“No.” </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked why he had not explained these circumstances in response to PCIE’s inquiry. He answered that at the time he did not see a need to do so, because he had </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“always acted honestly.”</span></i></p>
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			            	Further questions concerned the candidate’s judicial ethics—specifically, a situation in which he stepped down as court chairman for two months and then was elected chairman again for a third term.
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<h3><b>Ihor Makaryk</b></h3>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Makaryk.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32358" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Makaryk.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="764" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Makaryk.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Makaryk-400x255.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Makaryk-768x489.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with questions about Makaryk’s motivation and his lack of judicial experience. Ihor Makaryk said he views the absence of courtroom experience as an advantage because it allows him to approach criminal procedure from a different perspective. He also emphasized his high level of competence, stating that he performed well on the exams and drafted procedural documents that, in his words, were even better than those prepared by sitting HACC judges.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A substantial portion of the questions from PCIE and HQCJ focused on financial integrity and potential conflicts of interest. In particular, the panel was interested in Makaryk’s lease of office space for his legal practice. He rents a 49.1 m² office in Lviv from his employer for UAH 1,000. Asked whether this rate reflects market pricing, he said it does, citing the experience of other attorneys. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, it also emerged that the candidate had represented, free of charge, relatives of the owners of the company where he works, and from which he rents office space for UAH 1,000. Makaryk said he does not see this as a conflict of interest or connected to the low rent: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“All my work and my entire legal life—I consider it a hobby, my true calling.” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">He added that under martial law he decided he would provide all legal services pro bono.</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ pointed to a 2023 decision of the Sykhiv District Court under which UAH 5,000 in legal fees was awarded in favor of the candidate’s client, but those funds were not reflected in his tax reporting. Makaryk explained this by saying either the contract had been terminated or the funds were never actually paid despite the court decision.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine also found a case involving this candidate in which, in the Terebovlia District Court, he represented the claimant, his father, a former judge of the same court. In 2022, the court granted his father’s claim and ordered reimbursement of his litigation costs, including UAH 2,000 in legal fees, from the state budget.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Separate attention during the interview was given to military service obligations. The candidate received “reserved” status in the summer of 2024 as in-house counsel for a critical enterprise. Asked what he had done to comply with his obligations between 2022 and 2024, Makaryk said he contacted the Territorial Recruitment and Social Support Center to update his records, where he was allegedly told that </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“his candidacy was not being considered.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Makaryk was unable to answer a question about how many European countries have anti-corruption courts, even though during the interview he referred to his desire to join the “European family.” He also interrupted members of the commission, prompting remarks asking him to listen to questions through to the end.</span></p>
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			            	Makaryk was unable to answer a question about how many European countries have anti-corruption courts, even though during the interview he referred to his desire to join the “European family.” He also interrupted members of the commission, prompting remarks asking him to listen to questions through to the end.
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<h3><b>Olena Tanasevych</b></h3>
<p><b>HACC Judge</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Tanasevych.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32366" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Tanasevych.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="762" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Tanasevych.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Tanasevych-400x254.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Tanasevych-768x488.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Olena Tanasevych’s interview focused largely on the circumstances of her attendance at an event that attracted public attention as the “Kivalov party.” According to Tanasevych, she came to the educational institution’s premises outside working hours to discuss organizing online lectures. Once she arrived, the head of the institution informed her that a pre–New Year’s event was taking place and invited her to join briefly. She agreed, saying she planned to stay for no more than 15–20 minutes.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Describing what happened at the event, Tanasevych said that upon entering the venue she noticed people present whom she described as figures in publicly known criminal proceedings. She stated that she understood the potential sensitivity of the situation and therefore avoided any communication with those individuals; she added that they did not attempt to initiate contact with her either. Tanasevych also emphasized that no complaints about her actions had been filed with the High Council of Justice. She referenced her public explanations, including participation in a </span><a href="https://youtu.be/7aG0VhG2kqM?si=OcB1ra_hOsUpBhhp"><span style="font-weight: 400;">conversation</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> with the Executive Director of Transparency International Ukraine. Asked whether she was aware of allegations involving Serhii Kivalov, Tanasevych said she had not interacted with him personally but rather with the head of the relevant unit at the institution, and added that she was not aware of any criminal proceedings involving Kivalov.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The next block of questions concerned asset declarations and financial circumstances. PCIE and HQCJ pointed to the results of a full review of her declarations and noted inaccuracies. Tanasevych attributed these issues to the specifics of anti-corruption legislation and the possibility of differing interpretations, denying any intent to conceal information. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The cost of vehicles was discussed separately. Tanasevych said that some of the vehicles were owned by legal entities and used by her under a right-of-use arrangement; in her view, she was therefore not responsible for their purchase and did not know their value. She emphasized that she still listed them in her declarations even when, as she put it, there was no direct legal obligation to do so. A PCIE member also raised the possibility of concealing assets through companies, noting that the lack of clear answers about vehicle values could create that impression and that, as a HACC judge, she should demonstrate a high standard of disclosure. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked a series of follow-up questions about the nature of Tanasevych’s cooperation with educational institutions, reports of interference in her work as a judge, cross-border travel, and certain aspects of her declarations. Tanasevych acknowledged that a land plot had not been reported in her 2021 declaration and said her husband provided the information too late. She said that once she learned her husband had acquired it, she contacted the National Agency on Corruption Prevention through her personal online account. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed her use of official housing in Kyiv. Tanasevych said that while she was on maternity leave she does not actually live there and instead stays with her child in the suburbs of Kyiv. She explained that the apartment is located near a military facility and lacks heat and electricity, which makes it unsafe to live there with a small child.</span></p>
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			            	Olena Tanasevych’s interview focused largely on the circumstances of her attendance at an event that attracted public attention as the “Kivalov party.”
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<h3><b>Mykola Rubashchenko</b></h3>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Criminal Law Department, Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Rubashhenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32362" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Rubashhenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Rubashhenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Rubashhenko-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Rubashhenko-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a question about the professional accomplishments the candidate is most proud of. Among five key achievements, Rubashchenko cited his academic work, including dissertations on national security and liability for collaborationism, as well as his expert involvement in drafting legislation to criminalize sanctions violations. In response to a PCIE follow-up about his membership in a working group on amendments to the Criminal Code, the candidate clarified that he served as an expert evaluating the concept and helping develop the draft law on criminal liability for violations of sanctions legislation. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked about a point in his motivation letter regarding insufficient reasoning in court decisions, the candidate was unable to recall specific examples from HACC case law. He explained this by noting that he has published relatively few articles on anti-corruption topics. PCIE also asked about his work with the “Institute of Legislative Ideas” and whether that could create a conflict of interest if he became a HACC judge. Rubashchenko said that while conflicts of interest are a potential risk in any field, in his case the risk is not “extremely high.”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE questioned his motivation given that he is simultaneously participating in a competition for a position at the Kharkiv Court of Appeal. Rubashchenko stated candidly that if he were successful in both competitions, he would choose the Kharkiv Court of Appeal. He explained that Kharkiv is his alma mater and that appellate work appeals to him because it involves a broader range of cases than the narrower specialization of the HACC.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE and HQCJ pointed to inconsistencies in his declarations regarding his place of residence and family composition. Rubashchenko explained that from 2006 to 2022 he lived in a dormitory, and after the start of the full-scale invasion he moved to his parents’ home in the village of Myronivka. He said he listed the dormitory in his declarations only as long as his rental agreement remained in effect. As for why his brother, who also lived with him in the village, was not included in his 2022 declaration, Rubashchenko referred to the “183-day rule,” stating that he carefully calculated the duration of their shared household in order to comply with legal requirements.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also raised questions about the lease of an apartment in Kyiv, including the absence of the owner’s details. The candidate said the arrangement had no legal significance and was signed between a friend of the owner’s mother and his own friend. Asked about his father’s income from cultivating approximately 11 hectares of land in 2022, reported as only UAH 16,000, Rubashchenko said he does not get involved in those matters and that he took the figure from his father’s online taxpayer account. He added that such income is entirely plausible and that the activity could even have been loss-making. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ noted the candidate’s atypical activity as an individual entrepreneur: in 2023, after six months of work and UAH 76,000 in income, he closed his business, then later entered into two additional contracts as an individual, and in 2024 reopened his individual entrepreneur account. Rubashchenko described this as a </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“first attempt,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> explaining that clients had been unwilling to work with him as an individual entrepreneur. He denied that this was an effort to optimize taxes. HQCJ also asked about the royalties he declared in the amount of UAH 12,000 for an expert examination. The candidate said this wording reflected requirements imposed by the commissioning organizations, for which he developed tests. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the end, responding to questions about his lack of judicial experience, the candidate acknowledged that he has no courtroom experience at all. He said his qualifications are also based on analyzing judicial decisions and watching livestreams of HACC hearings. Rubashchenko added that he is inspired by academic colleagues who have gone on to serve at HACC and at the Supreme Court.</span></p>
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			            	In the end, responding to questions about his lack of judicial experience, the candidate acknowledged that he has no courtroom experience at all. He said his qualifications are also based on analyzing judicial decisions and watching livestreams of HACC hearings. Rubashchenko added that he is inspired by academic colleagues who have gone on to serve at HACC and at the Supreme Court.
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<h3><b>Iryna Kuzina</b></h3>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuzina.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32354" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuzina.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuzina.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuzina-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kuzina-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During Iryna Kuzina’s interview, members of PCIE and HQCJ paid particular attention to her income, which appeared significantly understated in certain periods. The candidate explained that early in her career, or when she wanted to gain experience, she worked “for her name,” including within the pro bono legal aid system, and that she reduced her workload during periods of pregnancy. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The panel separately examined the issue of so-called “gray” salary and Kuzina’s income during her employment at the law firm Ilyashev &amp; Partners. When asked directly about the practice of unofficial payments, the candidate confirmed that in the past she had agreed to such arrangements, noting that she would act differently today. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The subsequent discussion was about the relationship between her description of the firm’s prestige and compensation level, and the amounts reflected in official records (approximately UAH 50,000 for part of 2015, and for 2016–2017 combined). Kuzina pointed to the employer’s responsibility for accurate financial reporting and said she was limited in what she could disclose about her income due to a nondisclosure agreement. At the same time, given the discrepancy between the circumstances she described and the recorded income, these explanations do not objectively eliminate reasonable doubts that she may have received unofficial payments during that period, especially in light of her own description of the firm’s high status.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Many questions concerned matters reviewed by the High Council of Justice in connection with a 2018 report of interference in a judge’s activities. Members of PCIE and HQCJ examined Kuzina’s role and procedural conduct as defense counsel in detail, including her lateness to hearings, the filing of numerous motions, and the overall logic of the defense strategy. The candidate disagreed with the assessments contained in the High Council of Justice materials, emphasized concerns about the Council’s review procedure, and presented her own account of the situation. In particular, she said the delays were due to objective reasons and that she informed the court in advance, which is confirmed by the case materials.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed the candidate’s trip to the Russian Federation in 2018. Kuzina explained that the business trip to Moscow was professionally necessary as part of her work at Ilyashev &amp; Partners and related to work for a client from Kazakhstan. She said she did not stay overnight in Moscow and did not spend any money, as all expenses were paid by the law firm, and that her work that day took place at the firm’s Moscow office.</span></p>
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			            	The panel separately examined the issue of so-called “gray” salary and Kuzina’s income during her employment at the law firm Ilyashev &#038; Partners. When asked directly about the practice of unofficial payments, the candidate confirmed that in the past she had agreed to such arrangements, noting that she would act differently today. 
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<h3><b>Dmytro Ostapenko </b></h3>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostapenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32360" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostapenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostapenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostapenko-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostapenko-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The first questions from PCIE focused on how Ostapenko responded to attempts at corrupt influence—both from clients and from colleagues who tried to leverage his membership in the Public Integrity Council to make it easier to pass the qualification assessment. He referenced these incidents in his dossier. Ostapenko said he cut off any communication with such people, viewing them as a threat to his reputation and career. However, he noted that as an attorney he is bound by confidentiality and professional ethics rules, and therefore could not cooperate confidentially with law enforcement to investigate such approaches.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Asked whether he informed colleagues on the Public Integrity Council about specific cases of pressure, Ostapenko confirmed that such discussions took place in the council’s group chat. In response to a hypothetical question about what he would do in a similar situation as a HACC judge, he said the law requires a judge to report any interference in their work and that he would follow that requirement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Most of Ostapenko’s interview focused on his role on the selection commission for the head of ARMA, specifically his vote for Olena Duma in the final round. After civil society criticism of Duma’s appointment as head of ARMA, he withdrew his vote and publicly apologized for the decision. Notably, Ostapenko was the only commission member to publicly acknowledge that his vote had been a mistake.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A PCIE expert asked who had delegated Ostapenko to the commission, and he replied that it was then–Prosecutor General Andrii Kostin. The expert then asked what motivated Ostapenko to vote for Duma, and later to withdraw that vote. Ostapenko explained that some materials about the candidates were sent to him by email, while other documents were stored on a computer at the Cabinet of Ministers, and he was not always informed when new information appeared. In particular, he said that the full information from NABU concerning a criminal proceeding involving Duma, as he later learned, was available only on that computer. The documents he had access to did not indicate that she was a suspect. He said that if he had had the full information, he </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“would never have voted for Ms. Duma.” </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">He also said the voting procedure had not been clarified in advance and in fact conflicted with the rules of procedure. Ostapenko said he believed the public vote was only meant to rank candidates, but in practice the commission chair announced the winner essentially after the first round.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Members of PCIE and HQCJ noted, however, that a clear agenda should have been set before the official vote and that commission members had information from the NACP, NABU, NGOs, and other sources—and therefore should not have made such an error. Ostapenko again stated that he did not have access to all the information. His withdrawal of the vote prompted a further PCIE question: did that mean that, as a judge, Ostapenko might similarly respond to public pressure and reverse decisions after high-profile media coverage? Ostapenko said he sees a clear difference between serving on a selection commission and serving as a judge: in the first case there is far more discretion; in the second, there is a strict procedure, deliberations in chambers, and a system of appellate review. </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“A judge cannot withdraw their vote,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">he emphasized, adding that the ARMA selection process was </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“more political than legal.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked directly whether the candidate felt he had developed </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“professional distortion” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">from identifying with civil society. Ostapenko replied that he does have a form of distortion, but an attorney one—an inclination toward critical assessment of information and distrust even toward his own clients. At the same time, he acknowledged that some NGOs irritate him because of the way they communicate.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among other issues, HQCJ focused on several facts from the candidate’s dossier. These included a $25,000 loan received in 2020, part of which ($9,000) was repaid that same year, although the repayment was not declared as debt repayment. Ostapenko explained that the declaration form in use at the time did not technically allow him to record such a repayment. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding his membership in the Svoboda party in 2013–2014 and his candidacy for Parliament in single-member District No. 54 (Shakhtarsk, Donetsk Region), Ostapenko said this reflected his desire to counter trends of Russification and separatism in Donetsk Region during the Yanukovych era. According to him, at the time only that party promoted a clearly pro-Ukrainian stance. He said that beginning in March 2014 he ceased all party involvement.</span></p>
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			            	Most of Ostapenko’s interview focused on his role on the selection commission for the head of ARMA, specifically his vote for Olena Duma in the final round. After civil society criticism of Duma’s appointment as head of ARMA, he withdrew his vote and publicly apologized for the decision.
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<h3><b>Nazar Hryn</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Saksahanskyi District Court of Kryvyi Rih</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gryn.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32350" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gryn.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gryn.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gryn-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gryn-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with PCIE questions about a land plot in Poltava that Hryn received in 2010 while working as a prosecutor. The commission noted that his brother, also a prosecutor, received a similar plot around the same time. Hryn said he acted strictly within the Land Code: he filed an application and completed the paperwork to obtain land for construction. He denied exerting any influence on the council or making any payments, and explained that no construction took place because he ultimately continued working in Kryvyi Rih.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also raised questions about the candidate’s official housing in two different cities. Regarding an apartment in Kryvyi Rih, for which he received a right of use in 2018, Hryn said he did not actually live there and lost the right to it in 2022. According to him, he was not given keys to the apartment and was advised to climb in through a window to access it. It also emerged that unhoused people were living inside, so he had to rent alternative housing.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about an official apartment in Poltava that he received in 2010. The candidate said he did not vacate it after moving from the prosecutor&#8217;s office to the judiciary because his wife (a prosecutor) continued living there, and later her parents—who have internally displaced person status—began living there as well. Although he had only about nine years of service at the time he left, he said he believed he had the right not to vacate the apartment. He also noted that his ex-wife has not actually lived there since 2018.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE drew attention to the purchase of an apartment in Kryvyi Rih by the candidate’s mother-in-law, where Hryn now lives with his wife. Questions arose because the candidate held a power of attorney for the purchase but did not state the purchase price in his declaration. Hryn acknowledged this as a mistake, explaining that although he knew the price when the contract was signed, he failed to include it. The panel also focused on the price itself: the apartment was purchased for UAH 164,000, which PCIE said was three times below market value. The candidate denied that the price was understated, explaining that the owners needed to leave urgently for Poland and that the apartment had an old Soviet-era renovation. He also stressed that he did not contribute any personal funds, as the purchase was made entirely with his mother-in-law’s money. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE raised the issue of child support litigation. In 2018, the candidate’s first wife filed a claim; in 2020, his current wife filed a claim even though they were married at the time. Hryn explained that his second wife did so to equalize the rights of the children. He later filed his own claim to reduce the payment amount.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ noted that the candidate’s questionnaire did not have examples of cases involving corruption-related offenses, even though he had handled nine such administrative proceedings. Hryn said he remembers that one was closed due to the statute of limitations, and in the others he did not issue a final decision because his judicial term ended.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also discussed delays in a case on holding a judge liable. Hryn attributed this to the case being transferred among courts over an extended period and to the inability to consider the matter without the person concerned being present. The commission also pointed to 24 disciplinary complaints, including one from the Prosecutor General regarding a case under Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses, involving a prosecutor. HQCJ was struck by the speed of the review—the case was closed within a week. The candidate denied there were grounds for recusal, saying that although the prosecutor had supported the prosecution in some of Hryn’s cases, their relationship was purely professional. Hryn closed the case for lack of an offense. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about the repeated viewing, in the unified database of court decisions, of information about a person with the surname Mehamiedov. According to system logs, searches were conducted using the candidate’s access key over the period 2018–2025. Hryn said he did not recognize the name, was not monitoring anything, and could not explain the activity. He added that an internal inquiry would be conducted.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During HQCJ’s theory questions, the candidate appeared uncertain. He was unable to clearly list corruption-related crimes and gave a vague answer about how to distinguish administrative corruption offenses. </span></p>
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			            	HQCJ also asked about the repeated viewing, in the unified database of court decisions, of information about a person with the surname Mehamiedov. According to system logs, searches were conducted using the candidate’s access key over the period 2018–2025. Hryn said he did not recognize the name, was not monitoring anything, and could not explain the activity.
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<p><b>Vita Matolych</b></p>
<p><b>Judge, Nadvirna District Court, Ivano-Frankivsk Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Matolych.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32378" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Matolych.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Matolych.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Matolych-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Matolych-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked Matolych to explain her commute, since she lives in Lviv while working in Nadvirna, Ivano-Frankivsk Region (about 86.1 km from Lviv). Matolych said she wakes up at 5:00 a.m. almost every day to catch a 5:30 a.m. bus to Ivano-Frankivsk, where she transfers to another bus to Nadvirna. She said the trip takes about three hours one way. When she had to work late, she said she rented hotel rooms, but could not provide proof. For example, because she paid in cash. Matolych confirmed that this schedule sometimes meant violating curfew. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ expressed doubts that she truly spends up to seven hours per day commuting to and from work. Matolych answered she had considered moving to Ivano-Frankivsk, but no longer had that opportunity by the time of her appointment; she did not provide additional details, citing personal circumstances.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A particularly notable point was that in 2018, while serving as a judicial assistant, Matolych searched for court decisions involving her relatives by name or phone number using her full access to the court decisions register. She claimed that name-based searches can be performed not only with full access but also via the public portal of the judiciary. As for the phone numbers, she confirmed they belonged to her relatives but could not recall why she ran the searches: </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“All of these phone numbers belong to members of my family; I don’t remember why that search request was made.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also asked about her motivation to pursue academic work, given that she defended a dissertation titled “Protection of Professional Secrets in Criminal Proceedings.” She explained that in 2017 she decided to become a judge, but the competition was canceled by a Supreme Court decision, so she chose to develop in another field.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Experts also asked Matolych to provide her academic papers in DOC format, but she did not, saying she only had PDF versions. She later acknowledged that she had drafts, but the final DOC files that she exchanged with her academic supervisor were not saved. PCIE found this unusual.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate reported no savings despite a judge’s relatively high salary, explaining that additional expenses and full financial support for her parents were the reason.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ suspected that the candidate uses her mother’s undeclared vehicle. The first question concerned a traffic accident involving an undeclared TOYOTA RAV4 owned by her mother. On the day of the accident, Matolych was driving that car to work and picked up a colleague. The commission found it odd that she drove the car only once and caused an accident. Matolych added that she had been at her parents’ home that day, there was no public transportation connection, and the only option was to go by car; she also said her mother sometimes gives her a ride. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Matolych claimed she travels to her parents in Stryi by public transportation, not the other way around. However, HQCJ said it had information that the vehicle in question had traveled the Stryi–Lviv route dozens of times. Matolych said her parents traveled to Lviv because they have an apartment there, but that does not mean they were traveling to see her. She did not provide complete information about how her parents serviced and maintained the vehicle.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about her professional performance: despite a relatively light caseload, there were 193 instances of missing deadlines for sending the texts of court decisions to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Matolych attributed these problems to power outages in 2023–2024.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It was also noted that the candidate listed no referees in her questionnaire, because she believed she was supposed to name someone competent in the anti-corruption field. Asked about dismissals in DUI cases, she responded that the problem lay with case participants who failed to appear and did not provide necessary evidence, police officers included.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, during the interview, Judge Matolych at times avoided giving direct answers, which required experts to repeat certain questions multiple times.</span></p>
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			            	Overall, during the interview, Judge Matolych at times avoided giving direct answers, which required experts to repeat certain questions multiple times.
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<h3><b>Dmytro Movchan </b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Novokodatskyi District Court of Dnipro</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Movchan-1.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32404" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Movchan-1.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Movchan-1.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Movchan-1-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Movchan-1-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, PCIE paid particular attention to an analysis of access logs for the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Movchan was asked about systematic searches (more than 100 times between 2018 and 2025) conducted using the full name of a third party with whom the candidate is said to have long-standing personal ties and indirect property and financial connections. A PCIE member noted that this frequency of checks required a separate explanation given the nature of full access to the register and judicial ethics standards.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate gave two reasons explaining the searches. First, he said he was trying to avoid a potential conflict of interest. According to Movchan, in one criminal proceeding, there was a piece of real estate that a long-time acquaintance of his intended to acquire in the future. Even though he received a response from the pretrial investigation authority stating that the person was not involved in the proceeding, the judge said he decided to verify this himself in the register, explaining that he needed to personally confirm there were no risks. However, in response to follow-up questions from HQCJ about the legal nature of such a conflict of interest and what it might have entailed, the candidate did not provide a clear answer.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Second, Movchan said the same individual had approached him for advice about another matter the person had in a different court. The person reportedly contacted him because of doubts about the attorney’s legal position. Movchan said he checked information about the proceeding to understand its substance and possible risks in that legal strategy, and then allegedly advised the person to change counsel. This episode also drew PCIE’s attention in terms of the limits of permissible judicial conduct outside a judge’s own procedural powers and the use of full-access tools in the register.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed Movchan’s simultaneous status as both an attorney and a judge. He said he obtained his attorney’s certificate during a period when he did not have judicial authority, and that, at the time, this was not regarded as a violation. He stressed that he did not actually practice law and that he suspended the certificate on the same day it was issued. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also examined his family’s assets and publicly available information about his wife’s professional activity. In particular, PCIE noted social media references suggesting she had a substantial consulting practice as a psychologist, while no corresponding income was reflected. Movchan explained that her work was purely unpaid because she is still in training, and such practice is required as part of the certification process. He said it was not accompanied by any income.</span></p>
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			            	The interview also addressed Movchan’s simultaneous status as both an attorney and a judge. He said he obtained his attorney’s certificate during a period when he did not have judicial authority, and that, at the time, this was not regarded as a violation. He stressed that he did not actually practice law and that he suspended the certificate on the same day it was issued. 
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<h3><b>Oleksii Zaitsev</b></h3>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Criminal Law Department, Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Zajtsev.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32374" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Zajtsev.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Zajtsev.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Zajtsev-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Zajtsev-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, PCIE focused primarily on financial and asset-related issues. A major point of discussion was the candidate’s opening of a large number of bank accounts within a short period of time. Zaitsev explained that this was part of a strategy to place funds in deposits and earn interest income, adding that in previous years he had received substantial amounts of interest. To illustrate the cash flow, he filed a request to submit a separate explanatory chart.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that in earlier years the candidate declared significant funds held in bank accounts, while in more recent declarations bank accounts are scarce, suggesting that savings may have been kept in cash. Zaitsev linked this decision to tax changes affecting passive income and to broader risks to the banking system during the full-scale war. PCIE emphasized that a sharp change in how funds are stored, combined with previously significant deposits, requires additional assessment in terms of financial consistency.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also discussed Zaitsev’s privatization of an apartment and its sale almost immediately afterward. In particular, in 2005, as a servicemember, he received an apartment in Kharkiv Region, even though he had expected to receive housing in Kharkiv. He said that as early as the first viewing he decided to sell the apartment. He explained this by citing the inconvenient location, stressing that disposing of the property was his legal right. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Separate questions were raised about income from notarial practice. The candidate described the declared amounts as ordinary professional fees and explained that he stopped working as a notary when he transitioned into academia. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also returned to the issue of holding attorney and notary status simultaneously. Zaitsev referred to the lack, at the time, of a clear mechanism for suspending an attorney’s certificate and said he did not, in practice, engage in legal work as an attorney. Nonetheless, the legal incompatibility itself became a distinct focus of the evaluation, because such dual status was essentially prohibited by law even if no attorney work was performed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Additional topics concerned Zaitsev’s living in his sister’s apartment, his publication of an academic article in a Russian journal in 2014, and certain property-related matters involving family members. As in other parts of the interview, these issues were considered through the lens of the completeness of his explanations, </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">consistency with his declarations, and the overall perception of the candidate’s integrity. </span></p>
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			            	The commission also returned to the issue of holding attorney and notary status simultaneously. Zaitsev referred to the lack, at the time, of a clear mechanism for suspending an attorney’s certificate and said he did not, in practice, engage in legal work as an attorney. Nonetheless, the legal incompatibility itself became a distinct focus of the evaluation, because such dual status was essentially prohibited by law even if no attorney work was performed.
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<h3><b>Marta-Mariia Yatsynina </b></h3>
<p><b>Senior Lecturer, Ukrainian Catholic University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YAtsynina.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32386" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YAtsynina.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="800" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YAtsynina.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YAtsynina-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/YAtsynina-768x512.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with a detailed discussion of the candidate’s employment history. From 2014 to 2023, she worked for 11 different companies involved in retail fuel sales.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE members noted that the gas station chain where the candidate worked (including ANP) has been publicly linked to Ihor Kolomoiskyi’s Privat Group. Yatsynina said she worked as in-house counsel and had no information about the ownership structure; she added that she learned about the alleged links to Kolomoiskyi later from media reports. She also said that her numerous transfers among companies (registered under the same address and phone number) occurred without her involvement. Overall, she said she did not see any legal violations in this and was primarily interested in receiving official remuneration and ensuring taxes were paid.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2019, the candidate purchased a new car. PCIE members questioned whether she had sufficient funds for the purchase. Yatsynina provided detailed calculations of her family’s savings over several years, explaining what funds were available in each period to demonstrate her ability to pay for the vehicle.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also raised the similarity between the candidate’s dissertation and another dissertation defended in 2020. Yatsynina rejected allegations of plagiarism, stating that she had published articles on the topic as early as 2016–2017. In her view, it could have been the other scholar who adopted her sequence of presentation, rather than the reverse.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since 2021, the candidate has served as the anti-corruption compliance officer at Ukrainian Catholic University while also teaching. She explained her desire to become a HACC judge as a logical next step in her career, saying that in teaching the law is “static” rather than “dynamic,” and that she is also interested in practical work. Although her legal practice has mostly involved administrative and commercial disputes, she emphasized her strong academic interest in criminal law and in “special subjects” (public officials).</span></p>
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			            	PCIE also raised the similarity between the candidate’s dissertation and another dissertation defended in 2020. Yatsynina rejected allegations of plagiarism, stating that she had published articles on the topic as early as 2016–2017. In her view, it could have been the other scholar who adopted her sequence of presentation, rather than the reverse.
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<h3><b>Ivan Posokhov </b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Siverskodonetsk City Court, Luhansk Region </b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Posohov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32384" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Posohov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Posohov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Posohov-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Posohov-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with PCIE questions about Posokhov’s management experience at the Storozhynets District Court. Asked what he had done to build a corruption-free culture in the court, the candidate said that when he was appointed, the court chair assured him there was no corruption. Posokhov stated that he is not aware of any instances of misconduct within the staff and that he did not hold any special meetings on the issue.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Regarding his own experience handling corruption-related cases, the candidate said he had dealt with relatively few. He explained that he often did not manage to issue final decisions because his judicial term ended. Posokhov confirmed that he wants to work at the HACC, noting that he has experience handling other complex categories of cases, including those involving drug trafficking and crimes against life and health.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE noted that since 2015, the candidate has kept all savings exclusively in cash. Posokhov said his only source of funds is his salary, and that he prefers cash because of exchange-rate volatility and for his own peace of mind, despite the risks of keeping money in rented housing. He said he keeps only current salary payments in bank accounts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There were also questions about a land plot whose declared value increased twelvefold over two years. The candidate explained the discrepancy by valuation methodology: he said the plot was initially purchased with an expert valuation of UAH 9,000 because it was an empty piece of land. Later, however, for tax purposes the tax authority required a new monetary valuation, which set the value at UAH 116,000.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked about an enforcement proceeding from 2014 in which the debtor’s full name and date of birth exactly match the candidate’s. Posokhov denied having any enforcement proceedings against him, stating that he had been held administratively liable only once, back in 2007.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about a 2016 HQCJ conclusion that the candidate’s actions contained a disciplinary offense, but he was not sanctioned only because the limitation period had expired. The candidate acknowledged that he extended an interim measure for a defendant without first considering a pending recusal motion. He described this as choosing </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“the lesser of two evils,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> explaining that the defense was systematically delaying the process and the detention deadline was approaching. Posokhov said that in similar situations today he involves legal aid attorneys for specific procedural steps and never schedules hearings for the last days of an interim measure.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE asked about a potential conflict of interest because the register contains a decision by Posokhov in a case where the attorney was his sister’s husband. The candidate said he checked the decision and did not find the relative’s surname there. He also said he mistakenly listed the person as his brother-in-law in his integrity declaration because he misunderstood the terminology, although he does not consider him a close person (his sister is now divorced). </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Posokhov was unable to provide a specific answer on the content and adoption procedure for the Anti-Corruption Strategy and anti-corruption programs. He also said he was unfamiliar with the basic legal concept of </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">habeas corpus</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also reviewed the candidate’s decision in a case under Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses, in which a person with a recorded alcohol level of 2.57‰ was released from liability. The commission noted that the ruling evaluated only the defense’s arguments and that witnesses were not examined. Posokhov explained his decision by pointing to the episodic nature of the video recording. He also said police officers cannot serve as witnesses and that no motions were filed to summon other individuals. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When discussing “zero tolerance” for corruption, the candidate described it as complete rejection of corrupt conduct and avoidance of questionable schemes. Asked about exposing corruption and actively supporting anti-corruption efforts, Posokhov said he was not aware of any abuses by colleagues or others. When an HQCJ member remarked ironically that the candidate had been “lucky,” Posokhov agreed, adding that while corruption exists as a phenomenon, he has not personally encountered such cases.</span></p>
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			            	Posokhov was unable to provide a specific answer on the content and adoption procedure for the Anti-Corruption Strategy and anti-corruption programs. He also said he was unfamiliar with the basic legal concept of habeas corpus. 
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<h3><b>Oksana Hutsal </b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Orikhiv District Court, Zaporizhzhia Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gutsal.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32372" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gutsal.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gutsal.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gutsal-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Gutsal-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During Oksana Hutsal’s interview, a substantial share of the questions concerned financial and asset-related matters. Members of PCIE and HQCJ asked about the candidate’s living arrangements and her daily travel to work. She lived in Zaporizhzhia but worked at a district court in the region. Hutsal said that for several years she commuted by public transportation, and that she purchased a personal vehicle only after about three and a half years of commuting because earlier she had not been able to save money and had not yet obtained a driver’s license.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ asked specifically whether her income in 2015–2020 was sufficient given typical living expenses and transportation costs. Hutsal said her family lived frugally and that her parents helped cover some household expenses, including by providing food.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate set of questions was about her husband’s income, including a situation in which, in 2015, her husband reportedly had no income. The candidate linked this to personal circumstances and asked to provide an explanation in closed session, which was accepted by HQCJ and PCIE.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also drew attention to her handling of cases under Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of Ukraine, particularly instances where proceedings were closed due to the expiration of statutory time limits. Hutsal explained these episodes by pointing to the parties’ procedural behavior, including motions requesting adjournments.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Additional questions concerned her rent-free use of housing. Hutsal said she lives in an apartment owned by her parent’s cousin, who, she added, provided documentation confirming their family relationship. The candidate said she covers utility costs and also paid off her relative’s outstanding utility debt. </span></p>
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			            	HQCJ asked specifically whether her income in 2015–2020 was sufficient given typical living expenses and transportation costs. Hutsal said her family lived frugally and that her parents helped cover some household expenses, including by providing food.
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<h3><b>Oleksandr Ostrohliad</b></h3>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Department of Law and Law Enforcement, Zhytomyr Polytechnic State University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostroglyad.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32382" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostroglyad.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostroglyad.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostroglyad-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ostroglyad-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most extensive questions from PCIE and HQCJ concerned Ostrohliad’s household expenditure calculations. According to his declarations, in 2016 a family of five spent only UAH 25,600 for the entire year (about $83 per month), and UAH 36,000 in 2017. Given that the state subsistence minimum for a family of that size was about three times higher, the candidate explained the family’s austere spending by pointing to support from parents: his in-laws covered utilities (they live in the same building on different floors), while his own parents provided food and preserved goods. The candidate claimed he saved up to 70% of his income, although the commission noted that even taxes were not included in the calculations he provided.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Despite the modest lifestyle described, the family regularly upgraded its vehicles with new, showroom purchases:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">2016 — Citroën (UAH 616,000)</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">2021 — Opel (UAH 673,000) </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">2025 — Toyota valued at over UAH 2 million.</span></li>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about Ostrohliad’s real estate. He purchased a house from the son of his academic supervisor at an undervalued price, which he explained by the property’s “neglected condition.” His father-in-law and mother-in-law purchased an apartment in central Kyiv for UAH 867,000, while comparable apartments in that residential complex cost around $220,000. Later, in the same complex, another apartment (107.4 m²) was purchased with his in-laws’ funds in the name of his wife’s brother. The commission questioned both the stated prices and whether there were lawful funds for such purchases. The candidate said his in-laws had the means because his father-in-law is a businessman and his mother-in-law is a notary; he added that they also receive pensions and that the apartments were purchased when the complex was still “problematic” and not yet commissioned.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2022, Ostrohliad’s family obtained UK residence permission as a “backup option,” citing security conditions and responsibility for three children. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also pointed to his notary wife’s low official income, which could indicate underreporting of earnings. The candidate attributed her low income to maternity leave.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In summary, HQCJ representatives emphasized that the combination of asset purchases worth millions of hryvnias with declared spending below the minimum amounts set by the state for people of the relevant age groups creates “reasonable doubt” that the candidate should have dispelled.</span></p>
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			            	According to his declarations, in 2016 a family of five spent only UAH 25,600 for the entire year (about $83 per month), and UAH 36,000 in 2017. Given that the state subsistence minimum for a family of that size was about three times higher, the candidate explained the family’s austere spending by pointing to support from parents: his in-laws covered utilities (they live in the same building on different floors), while his own parents provided food and preserved goods.
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<h3><b>Yevhen Kapitonov</b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Vilniansk District Court, Zaporizhzhia Region</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kapitonov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32376" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kapitonov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kapitonov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kapitonov-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Kapitonov-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview began with questions about systematic irregularities in Kapitonov’s asset declarations. In 2015–2019, he did not report the property in Vilniansk where he lived with acquaintances, explaining that he believed declarations were mandatory only for ownership rights, not for use. Despite becoming aware of the requirement back in 2019, he took no steps to correct the information, commenting, </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“What happened, happened.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also noted that in Section 11 of his declaration, regarding a Mercedes-Benz, the candidate did not identify the actual buyer and instead listed himself as the source of income. In addition, the value of a Dacia Logan was not declared, and its sale for UAH 140,000 was not reflected in his annual declaration. In 2018, the value of a Mitsubishi Outlander was also not declared.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate acknowledged all of these errors and also agreed with the decision of the Ethics Council of the High Council of Justice, which in December 2025 found that he did not meet the standards of professional ethics and integrity.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about his wife’s vehicle transactions, including the sale of a Toyota Auris with a $2,000 price increase, which the candidate attributed to repairs. HQCJ also noted her purchase of a Toyota Land Cruiser Prado in 2022 for $6,000 despite a market value of around $20,000; Kapitonov explained the discrepancy by saying the purchase was made at the start of the full-scale invasion. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Questions were also raised about whether the candidate’s father could afford to purchase an Acura MDX in 2020. Kapitonov said it was funded by proceeds from selling a Skoda and a house (sold about six months after the Acura purchase), but he did not provide supporting documents, citing his father’s illness.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE drew attention to his systematic closure of cases under Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of Ukraine (driving under the influence) due to the expiration of statutory time limits. Kapitonov explained that the delays were caused by the parties&#8217; abuses, the filing of numerous motions, and the need to comply with fair-trial standards as outlined in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also addressed his trip to the Russian Federation in 2016, which Kapitonov said was motivated by a desire to visit close relatives. HQCJ also pointed to the candidate’s lack of attention to detail, noting that in a previous HACC competition he was rejected because he had failed to submit an application. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ examined the candidate’s approach to recusals in detail. Kapitonov recused himself in a case involving a prosecutor from the Zaporizhzhia Prosecutor’s Office who had handled prosecution in some of his cases, explaining that he was being overly cautious. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ, however, noted selectivity, because the candidate did not see a conflict of interest in cases involving his wife that were heard by his colleagues in the same court (including a challenge to a traffic fine and the establishment of the fact of death in an occupied territory). Kapitonov said he had only ordinary professional relationships with those judges and did not ask them for anything, so there were no grounds for them to recuse themselves.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview also raised his handling of cases involving deprivation of mothers’ parental rights. HQCJ identified nine cases in which Kapitonov issued judgments in absentia. The candidate explained that in those cases the mothers’ ties with their children had long been severed (in one instance the mother had moved to the Russian Federation), and that his decisions were based on the best interests of the children and the available evidence, despite the mothers’ failure to appear.</span></p>
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			            	The candidate acknowledged all of these errors and also agreed with the decision of the Ethics Council of the High Council of Justice, which in December 2025 found that he did not meet the standards of professional ethics and integrity.
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<h3><b>Andrii Dudikov </b></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Ternivskyi District Court of Kryvyi Rih</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudikov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32396" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudikov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudikov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudikov-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudikov-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE paid the greatest attention to Dudikov’s improper use of full access to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Under the candidate’s login, 240 targeted searches were recorded that were unrelated to his own cases. In particular, Dudikov searched 75 times for information about his sister’s ex-husband and that person’s companies, in relation to whom a criminal proceeding has been registered. He also checked information about another person and about himself, 30 times. At first, the candidate gave vague answers, suggesting he may simply have forgotten to log out of the system, but later explained the searches as professional curiosity and, as to the searches about himself, a desire to learn the outcome of an appeal. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Commission also raised questions about his asset declarations. In 2018–2020, he used a car owned by his ex-wife but did not report its value. He explained this by saying his ex-wife did not tell him the price, and he did not want to mislead by providing an inaccurate figure.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dudikov was also asked about his rent-free use of housing in Kryvyi Rih. He said that in practice it was like a rental arrangement, but the owners did not formally lease it to him, so the arrangement was based on friendly relations, while he reimbursed utility costs. HQCJ also noted that in 2021 the candidate’s father bought an apartment in Chabany, and in the same year his ex-wife bought a parking space there as well. Dudikov insisted this was a coincidence—he does not use it, and his ex-wife made that decision on her own.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to the NACP, there is also a significant discrepancy between the value of property Dudikov declared and the values reflected in the register, including a parking space declared at UAH 400,000 but listed in the register at UAH 50,000. The candidate said he reported prices that reflected the actual amounts.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It also emerged that in 2025, the Territorial Recruitment Center was searching for a candidate as someone who had committed an administrative offense. Dudikov called this “strange” and suggested it could be an employer’s error, insisting that he himself had not violated anything.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also asked about several of Dudikov’s cases under Article 130 of the Code of Administrative Offenses that were closed due to expired time limits. The candidate attributed this to the nonappearance of the parties and other delays. Quoting The Garden of Gethsemane, he said he does not share the idea that </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“it is better to convict 100 innocent people than let one guilty person go,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and that he always seeks the truth. He also made an error in the practical assignment by failing to apply the law in force at the time the offense was committed—something he himself acknowledged during the interview.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ paid separate attention to the candidate’s motivation for changing courts. In 2019, he was seconded from the Ternivskyi District Court of Kryvyi Rih, where the normative caseload was critical (31,000 cases), to a court in Vinnytsia Region, where the caseload was lower—about 4,000 cases.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dudikov explained that decision by saying he wanted to live closer to home and claimed that at the time the court to which he was transferred had no judges at all. However, HQCJ members noted that, according to their information, there were two sitting judges there at the time, and they said they would verify this further. Questions were also raised about Dudikov’s secondment to the National School of Judges, which he said was an attempt to maintain his professional level after his judicial term expired.</span></p>
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			            	PCIE paid the greatest attention to Dudikov’s improper use of full access to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. Under the candidate’s login, 240 targeted searches were recorded that were unrelated to his own cases.
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<h3><b>Pavlo Shtifonov</b></h3>
<p><b>Attorney</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/SHtifonov.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32400" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/SHtifonov.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/SHtifonov.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/SHtifonov-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/SHtifonov-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most controversial issue in the interview was the candidate’s income. In 2023–2024, he received more than UAH 10 million (about $264,000) from a single client. Shtifonov explained that he, in fact, played the role of an “outsource legal department,” engaging other colleagues under oral arrangements.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">An HQCJ member pointed out that the client company’s total revenue was about UAH 30 million, meaning it paid roughly one-third of its turnover to a single attorney, significantly reducing its taxable base. However, Shtifonov’s active participation in the company’s cases is not reflected in court registries. The candidate was unable to state how much he spent on services provided by the colleagues he engaged, saying only that his goal was not only to complete the work but also to make a profit. The commission calculated that most of the income received (more than $220,000) was converted into the candidate’s personal assets and a new car.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate block of questions concerned military registration obligations. Oleksandr Shtifonov acknowledged that from the start of the full-scale invasion until he obtained reservation status in summer 2025, he had neither a deferment nor reservation status. He also admitted that, despite the legal requirement to update his records by July 2024, he did so only on August 11, 2025, explaining the delay by his own “understanding of the legislation,” and only shortly before obtaining reservation status. Shtifonov currently works as a staff employee at a company owned by his long-time client, where he received reservation status; he said he took the job because of the need to preserve information confidentiality and due to signing an NDA. The attorney also did not fulfill continuing legal education requirements, stating that he does not comply with requirements he considers unlawful.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The candidate visited Crimea three times after 2014. Once, he said, was to find out the status of a criminal case in which he was the injured party and to visit his sister; the other two visits were to see his sister.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Commission also asked about a profile on the Pravoved.ru service, where legal advice on Russian law may have been provided in the candidate’s name in September 2014. Shtifonov stated that he was </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“unaware of such registration.”</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Shtifonov ran in local elections from the Nash Krai party and advised the Civil Position campaign headquarters. During the interview, he initially said he “</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">did not know about one of the candidacies,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">but later recalled that he had personally signed the documents and had simply forgotten about it over the past 10 years. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Shtifonov explained his motivation for becoming a HACC judge as a desire to be useful to society, since as an attorney he is limited by the client’s interests.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During the interview, the candidate interrupted Commission members without listening to questions to the end and systematically avoided giving direct answers.</span></p>
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			            	The Commission also asked about a profile on the Pravoved.ru service, where legal advice on Russian law may have been provided in the candidate’s name in September 2014. Shtifonov stated that he was “unaware of such registration.”
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<h3><b>Oleksandr Dudchenko</b></h3>
<p><b>Associate Professor, Department of Criminal Procedure, Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University</b></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudchenko.jpg"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32398" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudchenko.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="770" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudchenko.jpg 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudchenko-400x257.jpg 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Dudchenko-768x493.jpg 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the start of the interview, PCIE pointed to the fact that during 2004–2009, while studying at university, the candidate was able to save $12,000. Dudchenko explained this by his status as an orphan: he received state assistance and had free housing and transportation, which allowed him to save nearly all of his funds.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In 2011, the candidate received $12,000 from his grandmother. He described this as a combined inheritance. Specifically, a share of proceeds from the sale of property after the deaths of his grandfather and father, as well as his mother’s savings, which he said he had entrusted to his grandmother for safekeeping while still in school.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">More broadly, Dudchenko explained his ability to save through what he described as “the restrained lifestyle of a lecturer.” According to him, until 2023 his family did not spend one-third of its income, avoiding unnecessary expenses such as buying flagship smartphones.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCIE also paid particular attention to Dudchenko’s experience as an individual entrepreneur. The candidate said that in 2019, together with friends who were investors, he opened a retail outlet (coffee, snacks, fast food) opposite an office center. Although he terminated his business in 2020, during that short period he declared substantial income—UAH 1 million. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dudchenko said margins on some products reached 60–120%, while ordinary goods carried margins of 20–30%. When PCIE noted that margins are usually only 15–20%, he attributed the success to the favorable location in front of an office center and to taking goods on consignment. Overall, he described his role as creating a ready-made business. Once operations were established, he transferred management to an administrator, took the proceeds, and ceased the business activity.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also established that the candidate and his wife purchased an apartment in Kharkiv for UAH 1.2 million and a Volkswagen car using funds from his wife’s parents. After 2022, Dudchenko lived rent-free with friends—first in Vinnytsia, then in Kyiv. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In his questionnaire, the candidate did not report 2 of 7 instances of administrative liability because, as he explained, he did not find them in his driver’s online account. He also failed to disclose one disciplinary sanction imposed by the regional bar disciplinary body, explaining that he learned about it only recently. He explained arrears in bar membership dues by his mistaken belief that payment was not required if he was not practicing law.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ also focused on Dudchenko’s dissertation, which concerned administrative positions in the judicial system. The candidate correctly noted that the powers of the HACC Chair do not extend to the HACC Appeals Chamber. Asked about the procedure for electing court leadership, he also pointed out that the HACC had not yet been established at the time he wrote his academic work. Dudchenko also answered questions about which courts are prohibited from being established and explained how they differ from specialized judicial institutions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">He explained a border crossing into Belarus in 2018 as part of a trip to Poland. Regarding relatives, he said he rarely communicates with his biological brother, and that his wife had learned only recently about her brother’s trips to Crimea; according to Dudchenko, she had seen him only once in her life. The candidate also said he himself was last in the Russian Federation in 2014 for a funeral.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dudchenko was unable to immediately state the bail limits for especially serious crimes. After an HQCJ member prompted him by referring to ranges in subsistence minimums, he gave an unclear answer about the possibility of going beyond those limits. The candidate also misstated the term of office of an HACC investigating judge, naming three years instead of two. He was also unable to provide specific ideas for improving judicial self-governance, even though he had mentioned such ideas in his motivation letter. It also emerged that the candidate had been in a courtroom only during his university studies and postgraduate training.</span></p>
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			            	More broadly, Dudchenko explained his ability to save through what he described as “the restrained lifestyle of a lecturer.” According to him, until 2023 his family did not spend one-third of its income, avoiding unnecessary expenses such as buying flagship smartphones.
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Antypenko</span></h3>
<p><b>Judge, Rokytne District Court, Kyiv Region</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview opened with a question about why the candidate was applying to the HACC after working as a judge for only a year and a half. Antypenko said his motivation had two components: a professional one, wanting a </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“more prestigious profession,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and a social one, because although working at the HACC is much harder, this is </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“offset by a powerful social package,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">including better financial support (for example, on housing) and a higher level of state protection.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission was also interested in the cash assets he declared in 2023. The candidate explained that they came from long-term entrepreneurial activity during the period from 2016 to 2023, when he was not filing declarations. The panel also discussed why the declared price of his TOYOTA COROLLA was below market value, which the candidate explained by significant damage (the vehicle’s safety system has still not been repaired). As for the savings that appeared in the accounts of his son, a student, the candidate said they were transfers he had made for his child’s future education.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">HQCJ paid special attention to the candidate’s access logs for the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. It turned out that in June 2023 Antypenko used full access to search for decisions using the keyword “Alperin” (the surname of a figure in high-profile anti-corruption cases). The candidate could not recall the specific reason for this interest, but explained it as general professional curiosity and drew a parallel to the Kernes case:</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> “I was interested, from a professional standpoint, in how such cases are decided.”</span></i></p>
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			            	HQCJ paid special attention to the candidate’s access logs for the Unified State Register of Court Decisions. It turned out that in June 2023 Antypenko used full access to search for decisions using the keyword “Alperin” (the surname of a figure in high-profile anti-corruption cases). The candidate could not recall the specific reason for this interest, but explained it as general professional curiosity.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-one/">Notes from HACC Judge Candidate Interviews — Week One</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>A Struggling Sector: How Cities Are Working with Open Data</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-struggling-sector-how-cities-are-working-with-open-data/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Євгенія Семчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 18 Feb 2026 13:37:13 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32340</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>TI Ukraine’s Transparent Cities program has published the results of its study of the open data ecosystem in municipalities.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-struggling-sector-how-cities-are-working-with-open-data/">A Struggling Sector: How Cities Are Working with Open Data</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine’s Transparent Cities program has </span></i><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/en/articles/vidkryti-dani-yak-mista-i-derzhava-prokhodiat-yevrotest-na-prozorist"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">published </span></i></a><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">the results of its study of the open data ecosystem in municipalities. The findings show a large gap between the high scores in international and national open data indices and the actual level of development in major cities. The average level of implementation of the requirements is 23.1%, and of the 270 datasets analyzed, only 6 were properly published. </span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As part of a new study—the </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/prozori-mista-zapuskaiut-novyi-format-doslidzhennia-miskykh-rad"><span style="font-weight: 400;">European City Index</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, designed to assess how ready Ukrainian communities are for EU integration—program experts </span><b>examined how the open data ecosystem functions and whether it aligns with the European logic of transparency and interoperability.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> In particular, they assessed whether each city has a clear open data policy and whether mandatory datasets are published on the Unified State Open Data Web Portal. These include public information in structured machine-readable format, such as data on accessibility of buildings for persons with disabilities and other people with limited mobility, locations of public transport stops, medical equipment in municipal healthcare institutions, waiting lists for preschool admission, and more. The core purpose of such data is to serve as a foundation for analytics, e-services, and evidence-based management decisions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The study covered 11 cities — Kyiv and 10 regional centers: Dnipro, Zaporizhzhia, Kropyvnytskyi, Lutsk, Lviv, Odesa, Poltava, Kharkiv, Khmelnytskyi, and Chernihiv. Analysts assessed open data development against 40 criteria. Municipalities could receive a maximum of 100 points.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/vd-1-eng-1.png"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-32341" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/vd-1-eng-1.png" alt="" width="1200" height="801" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/vd-1-eng-1.png 1200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/vd-1-eng-1-400x267.png 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/vd-1-eng-1-768x513.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px" /></a></p>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On average</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span></i><b>cities implemented all criteria at 23.1%.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">This result is significantly lower than in previous studies focused on</span> <a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/test-na-vidkrytist-chy-vidpovidaiut-ukrainski-mista-yevropeiskym-standartam"><span style="font-weight: 400;">openness</span></a> <span style="font-weight: 400;">and</span> <a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/articles/elektronni-servisy-yak-mista-prokhodiat-yevrotest-na-prozorist"><span style="font-weight: 400;">e-services</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, city councils share responsibility for this outcome with the Ministry of Digital Transformation, since the scores were also affected by technical infrastructure issues on the Unified Open Data Portal.</span></i></p>
<p><b>Kyiv ranked first with 44.3 out of 100 points. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Next came Lutsk (40), then Kropyvnytskyi and Lviv (35.3 each). The lowest results were recorded by Odesa (0), Poltava (0), and Chernihiv (9.9).</span></p>
<blockquote>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“Kyiv owes its leadership to two factors. First, in 2024, the city authorities approved a key administrative document that incorporated the Ministry’s updated recommendations and began systematically populating the Kyiv City State Administration account on data.gov.ua based on those recommendations. Second, unlike Lutsk, Kropyvnytskyi, Lviv, and Dnipro, Kyiv now publishes its datasets exclusively on the Unified State Open Data Web Portal, so it does not face delays in transferring data from a local portal to </span></i><a href="http://data.gov.ua"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">data.gov.ua</span></i></a><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which affected other cities’ scores,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">notes Yuliia Sysoieva, Senior Analyst at the Transparent Cities program.</span></p>
</blockquote>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The assessment results revealed a significant gap between Ukraine’s high rankings in international and national open data ratings and the real implementation in major cities. In the </span><a href="https://hromada.gov.ua/index"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Digital Transformation Index of Territorial Communities</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, some cities report nearly 100% publication of mandatory datasets, while </span><a href="https://data.europa.eu/en/open-data-maturity/2025"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Open Data Maturity 2025</span></a><b>, </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">which assesses countries’ institutional maturity in open data across Europe (policy, quality, reuse, and impact), places Ukraine in a high position.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In reality, however, of the 270 “EU integration” datasets that were expected to be available in city accounts on data.gov.ua, cities had published 148 (55%). Only 51 datasets had resources updated on time, and only 6 datasets fully complied with all key requirements of the Ministry of Digital Transformation (4 from Kyiv, 1 from Dnipro, and 1 from Lviv). One reason for this outcome is that Dnipro, Kropyvnytskyi, Lutsk, and Lviv city councils—leaders by number of published datasets—use their own open data portals, while regular monthly transfer of data from those portals to </span><a href="http://data.gov.ua"><span style="font-weight: 400;">data.gov.ua</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is currently not taking place.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among the problems that, according to analysts, are preventing the open data sphere from developing properly are:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">uncoordinated state policy at the national level;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">outdated architecture of the data.gov.ua portal, resulting, among other issues, in data upload problems and irregular transfer of data from local portals;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">a fragmented approach by local self-government bodies to data publication, which significantly worsens accessibility;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">untimely data updates;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">low data interoperability (non-unified dataset structures and data resource structures);</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">weak linkage between data and services, meaning open data does not fulfill its core function—supporting tools for residents and evidence-based management decisions.</span></li>
</ul>
<blockquote>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“We understand that low city scores are often linked not only to local government actions, but also to national-level decisions, technical infrastructure, and policies for which, in particular, the Ministry of Digital Transformation of Ukraine is responsible. So, on the one hand, we call on cities to do everything within their authority and capacity to improve the quality and accessibility of their own policies and data. On the other hand, we are working closely with the Ministry to remove systemic barriers and adopt changes at the national level. The Ministry is actively working to improve the situation,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">said Olesia Koval, Transparent Cities Program Manager.</span></p>
</blockquote>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For representatives of city councils that were not included in the pilot study, analysts developed a special </span><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1uqMT99dIUekfl4jjhUtrufMI1ghxaqtUowATA-PKIbc/edit?gid=0#gid=0"><span style="font-weight: 400;">form</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to help them independently assess how well a city complies with open data standards and identify weak points that require improvement. Experts are also preparing to scale the methodology and plan to increase the number of cities assessed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In December 2025 the program presented results from the second block of the European City Index. Experts assessed how well city </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/articles/elektronni-servisy-yak-mista-prokhodiat-yevrotest-na-prozorist"><span style="font-weight: 400;">e-services</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> comply with European standards. Kyiv showed the highest result, with 70 out of 100 possible points. Lviv (63 points) and Kharkiv (58 points) also ranked among the top three. </span></p>
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			            	We understand that low city scores are often linked not only to local government actions, but also to national-level decisions, technical infrastructure, and policies for which, in particular, the Ministry of Digital Transformation of Ukraine is responsible.
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<p>
			            	Olesia Koval
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This research is made possible with the support of the MATRA Programme of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine, and with the financial support of Sweden within the framework of the program on institutional development of Transparency International Ukraine. Content reflects the views of the author(s) and does not necessarily correspond with the position of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine or the Government of Sweden.</span></i></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Transparency International Ukraine is an accredited representative of Global Transparency International. Since 2012, TI Ukraine has been helping Ukraine grow stronger. The organization takes a comprehensive approach to the development and implementation of changes for reduction of corruption levels in certain areas. </span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine launched the Transparent Cities program in 2017. Its goal is to foster constructive and meaningful dialogue between citizens, local authorities, and the government to promote high-quality municipal governance, urban development, and effective reconstruction. In 2017–2022, the program annually compiled the Transparency Ranking of the 100 largest cities in Ukraine. After the full-scale invasion, the program conducted two adapted assessments on the state of municipal transparency during wartime. In 2024, the program compiled the Transparency Ranking of 100 Cities, and in 2025, it launched an updated format for assessing city councils — the European City Index.</span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-struggling-sector-how-cities-are-working-with-open-data/">A Struggling Sector: How Cities Are Working with Open Data</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>TI Ukraine, Together with Partners and Members of Parliament, is Refining the Draft New Law on Public Procurement</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-together-with-partners-and-members-of-parliament-is-refining-the-draft-new-law-on-public-procurement/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 18 Feb 2026 08:18:28 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32347</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Experts from TI Ukraine’s DOZORRO project are helping refine Draft Law No. 11520, which aims to harmonize Ukraine’s public procurement legislation with European directives.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-together-with-partners-and-members-of-parliament-is-refining-the-draft-new-law-on-public-procurement/">TI Ukraine, Together with Partners and Members of Parliament, is Refining the Draft New Law on Public Procurement</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Experts from TI Ukraine’s DOZORRO project are helping refine Draft Law No. 11520, which aims to harmonize Ukraine’s public procurement legislation with European directives. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, we have secured more than 40 important amendments to the document, including:</span></p>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">     </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">Cabinet of Ministers approval of a set of methodologies that, among other things, will help contracting authorities correctly determine estimated value and apply non-price evaluation criteria;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">     </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">the ability to appeal to the AMCU regarding qualification decisions and procurements in Prozorro Market, so businesses can defend their rights;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">     </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">mandatory publication of work acceptance certificates for procurements over UAH 10 million to enable genuine oversight of high-value procurement;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">     </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">machine-readable tender documentation and publication of cost estimates in the software formats in which they were created, making procurement more transparent and accessible;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">     </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">safeguards against abuse of the negotiated procedure following failed open tenders: supplier requirements must match those used in the open tender;</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">     </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">preserving the ability for the Cabinet of Ministers to set public procurement rules for the duration of martial law.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The first active stage of work on the draft law took place in late 2024. At that time, civil society experts were also brought into the working group under the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Economic Development. Specialists from TI Ukraine and KSE</span><a href="https://dozorro.org/blog/propoziciyi-dozorro-ta-kse-do-proyektu-novogo-zakonu-pro-publichni-zakupivli"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">highlighted</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> priority amendments and advocated for them in that version of the draft. The document was being prepared for submission to the European Commission by the end of the year, so the Commission could provide edits and recommendations on alignment with EU directives.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Ministry of Economy received feedback from European counterparts and attempted to revise the draft law on its own based on that feedback. The Ministry chose to focus on consultations with the European Commission and did not address the issues flagged by civil society experts and other stakeholders.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Only in December 2025 was an updated version submitted to the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Economic Development. Only then did work begin to refine the draft law with a broad circle of experts—a process that is still ongoing.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“We are grateful to Oleksii Movchan for organizing the working group and bringing in a range of stakeholders. Not only NGOs, but also representatives of the State Audit Service, the AMCU, and state-owned enterprises. Developing high-quality legislative changes on this scale is impossible without engaging all interested parties,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">emphasized Ivan Lakhtionov, Deputy Executive Director of TI Ukraine for Innovative Projects.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft law is expected to be finalized and submitted to the plenary hall by the end of this month. Adopting a new Law on Public Procurement is a World Bank requirement for Ukraine to receive the next tranche of macro-financial assistance. In addition, full harmonization of Ukraine’s public procurement legislation with EU directives is also a requirement under the Ukraine Facility, with a deadline in the third quarter of 2027, and is an overall EU-integration benchmark.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“Preparing a high-quality draft law of this scale in such a short period of time is practically impossible. That is why, as a working group, we are trying to bring it to an acceptable condition—among other things, so it can be implemented in practice. But we understand that changes will still be needed in the future,”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Ivan Lakhtionov concludes.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material is funded by the European Union. Its content is the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. </span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-together-with-partners-and-members-of-parliament-is-refining-the-draft-new-law-on-public-procurement/">TI Ukraine, Together with Partners and Members of Parliament, is Refining the Draft New Law on Public Procurement</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>How to change perceptions of “Ukrainian corruption”: the key shift the EU is waiting for</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-to-change-perceptions-of-ukrainian-corruption-the-key-shift-the-eu-is-waiting-for/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Feb 2026 13:27:30 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Ukraine gained one point. Progress, in a sense, but in wartime, and under EU-integration deadlines, we cannot afford to move this slowly.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-to-change-perceptions-of-ukrainian-corruption-the-key-shift-the-eu-is-waiting-for/">How to change perceptions of “Ukrainian corruption”: the key shift the EU is waiting for</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The 2025 </span><a href="https://cpi.ti-ukraine.org/en/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Corruption Perceptions Index</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (CPI) results from Transparency International have left both Ukraine’s authorities and society with mixed feelings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine gained one point. Progress, in a sense, but in wartime, and under EU-integration deadlines, we cannot afford to move this slowly. And this index is a baseline used to assess Ukraine by international businesses and foreign partners alike.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Still, one point is worth re-emphasizing: Transparency International’s score reflects not the actual volume of corruption in the state, but public perceptions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">And Ukraine’s core problem today is not corruption itself, but the sense of stagnation and impunity.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Society is tired of “process”; people now want “results.” Ukrainians need a positive signal.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But it has to be a signal with substance, convincing enough to citizens and backed by authoritative validation. One such signal could be the European Commission’s recognition that Kyiv has made meaningful progress on anti-corruption.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As is well known, the EU does not assess outcomes by the number of “opened cases” or even convictions alone. First and foremost, it wants to see institutional durability.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There is, however, a path to a green light. To get there, Kyiv needs only to implement, or at least show tangible progress on, a short roadmap defined by the European Commission itself. The document is known as the </span><a href="https://www.eurointegration.com.ua/eng/news/2025/12/11/7226939/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">“Kachka–Kos 10 points,”</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> named after the officials who signed it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Is it possible to demonstrate rapid progress on implementation? Yes. And in this article, we explain how.</span></p>
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			            	Ukraine’s core problem today is not corruption itself, but the sense of stagnation and impunity.
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<h2><b>Ten points, though in practice there may be more</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In December 2025, in Lviv, Ukraine and the EU launched a technical process that allows preparations for closing negotiating chapters to move forward without waiting for Hungary’s veto to be lifted. At the same time, as part of that package of decisions, European Commissioner Marta Kos and Deputy Prime Minister Taras Kachka agreed on a plan of 10 priority reforms in anti-corruption and rule of law.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In reality, however, this list contains significantly more than 10 points.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, the first point can reasonably be split into four separate ones, since it covers investigation timelines, limitation periods, safeguards against procedural delays, NABU jurisdiction, and other issues. If we follow the classic route—passing separate laws for each of these matters—we will get stuck in parliamentary corridors for years.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But there is a way to avoid that trap.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Instead of implementing a long list of tasks one by one, they can be consolidated into a single law. In particular, all elements of the first point can be delivered through comprehensive amendments to Ukraine’s Criminal Procedure Code (CPC).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to our sources, the Deputy Prime Minister’s Office has chosen exactly this route and decided to focus on CPC amendments as the most substantial item in the document.</span></p>
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			            	Instead of implementing a long list of tasks one by one, they can be consolidated into a single law.
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<h2><b>The road to the EU runs through the CPC</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">What should these amendments include to genuinely solve these problems? Let us explain through a concrete example.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In criminal proceedings, especially in high-level corruption cases, delays often arise because participants deliberately abuse procedural rights.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, in the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42015220000001081"><span style="font-weight: 400;">case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> against a former official of the Ministry of Agrarian Policy’s state property management department, accused of receiving a $150,000 bribe, defense lawyers systematically and in a coordinated manner failed to appear at court hearings </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/91396960"><span style="font-weight: 400;">for a month</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, causing all five hearings to be postponed. The result was not only a breach of reasonable time requirements, but also de facto impunity for those who committed serious corruption offenses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Ministry of Justice confirms plans to introduce amendments that would fix this and similar problems. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Why, specifically, have CPC amendments become the top priority?</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">“Because the CPC governs criminal proceedings, and therefore its provisions create space for ‘procedural sabotage’—formally lawful actions that undermine the effectiveness of the justice system. One high-quality law amending the CPC can address several of Brussels’ fundamental rule-of-law requirements at once,” says Pavlo Demchuk, Senior Legal Adviser at Transparency International Ukraine. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Acting Minister of Justice and Deputy Minister for European Integration Liudmyla Suhak agree that CPC amendments are a priority. However, her comments indicate that the government is not ruling out the adoption of several laws.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">“On February 2, the Ministry of Justice submitted to the Government a draft law on strengthening the institutional capacity of the NABU and the SAPO (the </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">) and removing procedural obstacles to effective pre-trial investigation. The draft law proposes expanding the range of persons under NABU jurisdiction, granting the Head of SAPO powers to form joint investigative teams, and enabling extradition requests in NABU cases,” Suhak said.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, the Ministry of Justice is now preparing to draft bills amending the Criminal Procedure Code “that will cover the maximum possible number of measures in this area under the Rule of Law Roadmap,” she added.</span></p>
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<h2><b>What exactly needs to change</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">First, Ukraine needs the already mentioned mechanisms to counter abuse of procedural rights. In particular, courts must be given tools to respond to bad-faith conduct by parties to proceedings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This is not a simple task, because in some cases parties use sophisticated tactics: stretching out closing arguments (as in the Nasirov and Chaus cases), unjustified failure to appear at hearings, and similar maneuvers.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">“In a significant number of European states, such actions are recognized as abuse, and courts have tools to counter them,” says Pavlo Demchuk.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Not all EU countries have these tools—but those that introduced them clearly did so for compelling reasons.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine now has those same reasons. “The absence of such safeguards in the CPC not only allows people to evade criminal liability, but it also makes justice as a whole more expensive and more cumbersome,” the expert explains.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, the CPC still contains a problematic provision that allows automatic closure of criminal proceedings when the pre-trial investigation time limit is missed. It is often—though not entirely accurately—referred to as the “Lozovyi amendments.”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There have been countless attempts to fix this. In late 2024, the Cabinet of Ministers registered a draft law to remove these provisions, but it never reached a vote and was withdrawn after the government resigned.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Taras Kachka now proposes dropping that label. “The term ‘Lozovyi amendments’ is so loaded that once it appears in a discussion, everyone reacts reflexively—either positively or negatively—and the substance disappears from the debate,” the Deputy Prime Minister said in an interview with European Pravda.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">And indeed, the Kachka–Kos document does not mention Andrii Lozovyi by name; it focuses on the problem itself—automatic case closures—which must be resolved.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another problematic issue is limitation periods, including when they cease, are interrupted, or are suspended. Here, there is no single clear “European standard.”</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">“There is no single recognized approach to regulating limitation periods in the criminal legislation of other states. However, international anti-corruption instruments pay considerable attention to this. Moreover, the draft EU Directive says the minimum limitation period should be from eight to fifteen years, depending on the gravity of the offense,” says Pavlo Demchuk.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In Ukraine, where the period is often several times shorter, the need for reform is urgent. “Even so, effective work by investigators and courts to ensure reasonable time limits in pre-trial investigation and court proceedings is just as important,” he stresses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine also urgently needs to simplify and accelerate procedures by introducing written proceedings in certain cases, narrowing grounds for panel hearings, and removing excessive formalities such as mandatory participation of attesting witnesses.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, cases against MPs for false asset declaration (a non-serious offense) must currently be heard by a three-judge panel, consuming significant judicial resources.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another example: if even one judge is replaced, the court must restart hearings from scratch, even where the new judge sees no need to do so. At the High Anti-Corruption Court, several top cases have already restarted “from square one.” This significantly delays proceedings and may lead to limitation periods expiring and cases being closed. The CPC could instead provide that replacing judges does not trigger a retrial, except where, for example, the new judge disagrees with earlier rulings.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As a third reform track, TI Ukraine proposes strengthening the capacity of anti-corruption institutions by clarifying NABU jurisdiction, granting additional powers to the Head of SAPO, and ensuring better coordination among institutions, including with the Asset Recovery and Management Agency (ARMA) on the management of seized assets. For example, clear deadlines should be set for transferring proceedings to the NABU following a relevant decision by its director. It should also be specified that NABU jurisdiction extends to the Head of the Presidential Office and their deputies.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Because these “small details,” taken together, undermine the effectiveness of the NABU and the SAPO.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">“We have prepared our proposals for CPC amendments and are engaging with different stakeholders. If MPs listen and agree to adopt comprehensive CPC changes, this will move forward the largest requirement in the Kos–Kachka plan,” Pavlo Demchuk explains.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, this must be defined from the outset: for real change, including a jump in CPI-2026, we need public validation, meaning a public green light for the new package from the European Commission.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Because once Brussels officially confirms that “Ukraine has removed key barriers in justice,” and those changes are effectively implemented, this will change how the country is perceived by investors, international institutions, and Ukrainian citizens themselves.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It converts “process” into “trust.”</span></p>
<p><strong>List of CPC amendments proposed by TI Ukraine:</strong></p>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Introduce written proceedings, i.e., allow courts to consider and decide certain procedural issues without the participation of parties and without holding a court hearing.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Establish, as a core principle of criminal proceedings, the inadmissibility of abuse of procedural rights, and define mechanisms for its enforcement.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Provide that, where a case is heard by a panel, this applies to the trial stage rather than preparatory proceedings; and reduce exceptions to the single-judge rule by limiting panel hearings to especially serious criminal offenses, rather than tying them to the defendant’s office or status.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Provide that the absence of one or more defense counsel for a suspect/accused does not prevent a hearing from proceeding; postponement to safeguard defense rights should be allowed only if all defense counsel for the suspect/accused are absent.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Supplement the CPC with mechanisms for interaction with ARMA when deciding whether to transfer assets to the Agency. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Clarify that an investigating judge is barred from participating in the same case at trial only where that judge exercised judicial control with respect to the specific person concerned.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ensure the possibility of imposing monetary penalties on both defense lawyers and prosecutors if they fail to appear without valid reasons or fail to report reasons for non-appearance.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Expand NABU’s personal jurisdiction to include the following positions: Director of the State Bureau of Investigation and their first deputy/deputy; Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine and their first deputy/deputy; head of a regional, Kyiv City, or Sevastopol City state administration and their first deputy/deputy; head of a regional or Kyiv City Military-Civil Administration and their first deputy/deputy; head of a Regional Military Administration or Kyiv City Military Administration and their first deputy/deputy; senior leadership of the Economic Security Bureau of Ukraine and the State Bureau of Investigation; and members of supervisory boards and executive bodies of large enterprises where the state or municipal ownership share exceeds 50%.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Provide that a pre-trial investigation body must transfer the available materials of relevant criminal proceedings to NABU immediately, and no later than five working days from receipt of the NABU Director’s decision requesting those materials.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Remove the requirement to involve attesting witnesses during searches and inspections.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Remove the court’s obligation to close criminal proceedings due to expiry of the pre-trial investigation time limit (Article 284(1)(10) of the CPC of Ukraine).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Provide that, if a judge on a judicial panel is replaced, the court may, by a reasoned ruling, decide there is no need to restart the trial from the beginning or to repeat all or part of procedural actions.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Provide that a court may impose time limits on a participant’s closing argument where the speech shows signs of abuse of procedural rights.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Add that an investigating judge/court may, depending on case circumstances, issue a separate ruling where participants breach procedural duties, perform them improperly, or abuse procedural rights.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Provide that after drafting and signing the full text of a judgment, the court may limit public pronouncement to the operative part, with mandatory service of the full text on parties the same day. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Remove the appellate court’s power to quash a judgment/ruling and order a new trial in the court of first instance.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Allow the court to request collected pre-trial investigation materials or require prosecutors to submit such materials to the court together with the indictment and plea agreement.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Make special confiscation mandatory, where legal grounds exist, when approving a plea agreement.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Grant the Head of SAPO the power to initiate criminal proceedings and approve investigative actions involving Members of Parliament.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Provide that matters related to the enforcement of judgments convicting a person of a corruption criminal offense are considered by the HACC.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Grant the Head of SAPO powers in international cooperation (not only via CPC amendments, but also through corresponding ratification laws for international treaties).</span></li>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/how-to-change-perceptions-of-ukrainian-corruption-the-key-shift-the-eu-is-waiting-for/">How to change perceptions of “Ukrainian corruption”: the key shift the EU is waiting for</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Before/After: Three Cases Where DOZORRO Helped the State Save Money in January</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/before-after-three-cases-where-dozorro-helped-the-state-save-money-in-january/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Софія Яцюк]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Feb 2026 10:23:36 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>The largest contract price adjustments took place in Kherson, Kharkiv, and Kyiv</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/before-after-three-cases-where-dozorro-helped-the-state-save-money-in-january/">Before/After: Three Cases Where DOZORRO Helped the State Save Money in January</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">These cases are the result of DOZORRO’s systematic work in previous months, when we analyzed procurements and approached contracting authorities with comments on inflated prices. In January, we recorded that some of these inquiries delivered practical results: the parties revised and reduced contract amounts.</span></p>
<h1><b>Major overhaul of a water pipeline in Kherson: contract value reduced by UAH 1.2 million</b></h1>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In Kherson, at the end of June last year, a decision was made to carry out a major overhaul of the water pipeline from Ivana Bohuna Street to Water Supply Pumping Station No. 3. Kherson City Municipal Utility Production Department of Water Supply and Sewerage announced a procurement to replace a worn-out section of the network on which the stable water supply of part of the city depends.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-06-30-009869-a?oldVersion=true"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 14.1 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> contract was signed with Avto-M LLC, which offered a price UAH 590,000 below the estimated value. A bid that was UAH 5.7 million cheaper was rejected because Teren LLC failed to provide substantiation for an abnormally low price within the required deadline.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under the contract with Avto-M LLC, almost UAH 9.5 million was allocated to materials. DOZORRO analysts reviewed the estimate and identified a likely overpayment of around UAH 1 million. Nearly half of that amount came from inflated prices for polyethylene pipes for cold water supply (100 SDR-17 (1.0 MPa), outer diameter 200×11.9 mm). The winning bidder planned to supply them at UAH 1,151.52 per running meter (here and below, prices include VAT). Market prices, however, were significantly lower: TrubPolimerGroup sells such pipes at </span><a href="https://svarochniy-apparat.com.ua/ua/truba/truba-pnd-200-mm-uk-225/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 633.34/m,</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Megapipe at </span><a href="https://truba-pe.com.ua/uk/truba-pe-100-dlya-vody-200-mm-sdr-17-ua.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 633/m</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, and Asso at </span><a href="https://asso.com.ua/ua/vodoprovodnaja-pe-truba-i-fitingi/vodoprovodnaya-truba-200-mm-pe-100-sdr-17-1102"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 699/m</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the end of August 2025, DOZORRO </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1wv-0vfTV5yT7mdlM4iGgxEPmGsZBdDGx/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">asked</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the contracting authority to review material prices and avoid overpayments. This could only be done by signing an additional agreement, as the contract price was fixed. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We never received a reply to our request. At the same time, Kherson’s Production Department of Water Supply and Sewerage and Avto-M LLC reduced the contract value by UAH 1.2 million through price adjustments.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/ref/4502151/?returnUrl=%252Fcard%252Ftabs%252Ffile%252F%253Fid%253D10453132%2526tb%253Dfile"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Avto-M LLC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was established back in 2001. Since 2016, the company has won nearly UAH 1.2 billion in contracts through Prozorro. Media outlets have </span><a href="https://nikcenter.org/2025/05/remontuvaty-vodoprovid-u-mykolayevi-bude-firma-yaka-figuruye-u-spravi-shhodo-roztraty-byudzhetnyh-koshtiv/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">reported</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that Avto-M previously appeared in criminal proceedings concerning alleged embezzlement of budget funds. According to the investigation, in 2019–2021, Dniprovodokanal utility signed eight contracts with the company worth over UAH 40 million, and law enforcement checked for possible collusion between the contractor and officials.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-8.png"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32277" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-8.png" alt="" width="774" height="772" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-8.png 774w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-8-400x400.png 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-8-200x200.png 200w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-8-768x766.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 774px) 100vw, 774px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Major overhaul scheme. Source: </span><a href="https://dream.gov.ua/ua/project/DREAM-UA-150425-C534ADF2/profile"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dream</span></a></p>
<h1><b>Shelter for a school in Kyiv: UAH 14.8 million cut from the contract</b></h1>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Education and Innovation Development Department of the Pecherskyi District State Administration signed a </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-09-22-013109-a?oldVersion=true"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 207.1 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> contract for the construction of a radiation shelter for Ivan Kudria Specialized School No. 181. Under the contract, Integral Bud-Standart LLC is to build a separate underground shelter for 800 people on the school grounds at 22-a John McCain Street. The winner of the special open tender was the only bidder.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The project includes not only construction of the shelter itself, but also demolition of the stadium and sports ground beneath which it is to be built, and installation of new facilities.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">While analyzing the estimate, DOZORRO analysts identified a likely overpayment of UAH 16.1 million, including inflated prices for construction materials. The Education and Innovation Development Department could have overpaid nearly UAH 3 million for C20/25 W6 concrete alone, and almost UAH 2 million for SBR rubber granulate (2–3 mm). Integral Bud-Standart LLC inflated the granulate price by more than 12 times: the contractor planned to supply it at UAH 250/kg, while Masterfibre sells such granulate at </span><a href="https://www.masterfibre.com.ua/materialy/rubber-granuls-sbr/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 13/kg</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and Markho Group at </span><a href="https://markho-group.com.ua/materialy/gumova-kryhta-sbr/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 19/kg</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
<p><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-7.png"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-32279" src="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-7.png" alt="" width="960" height="540" srcset="https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-7.png 960w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-7-400x225.png 400w, https://ti-ukraine.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/unnamed-7-768x432.png 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px" /></a></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ivan Kudria Specialized School No. 181. Source: </span><a href="https://181sch0.wixsite.com/rodyna/pro-nas"><span style="font-weight: 400;">school website</span></a></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In October 2025, we </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1NBAl006xrYl76bI5zMuMWCoafntI3kNx/view"><span style="font-weight: 400;">asked</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the contracting authority to review material resource prices and adjust the contract price. In its response, the Education Department </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1HkUW4ikf7sLOdZ99e_EwRrhDK8mPS-Md/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">stated</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that online monitoring of construction material prices does not reflect the overall market situation, and that determining average market prices falls within the competence of the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry. However, the Pecherskyi District Education and Innovation Development Department said that all necessary measures would be taken.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The State Audit Service took note of this procurement. Auditors identified several violations, including inconsistencies between the winning bid and tender documentation requirements that should have led to rejection of the bid. In addition, specialists from the State Audit Service found issues in the executed contract.  The Education and Innovation Development Department remedied the violations identified.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">An additional agreement was later published on Prozorro. As a result, the construction cost of the shelter was reduced by UAH 14.8 million, which helped prevent inefficient use of budget funds during project implementation.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/ref/4502151/?returnUrl=%252Fcontractor%252F%253Fid%253D25829772"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Integral Bud-Standart LLC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was established in Bucha in 2017. Since then, the company has won over UAH 1.5 billion in state contracts. </span></p>
<h1><b>Treatment facilities in Kharkiv: UAH 2.8 million in prevented overpayment</b></h1>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kharkivvodokanal utility launched a reconstruction of wastewater treatment facilities and a sludge treatment line at Municipal Wastewater Treatment Plant No. 2, located on Haharina Avenue. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-06-24-003590-a?oldVersion=true"><span style="font-weight: 400;">procurement</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was conducted through a special open tender. Two bidders took part: Stalkonstruktsiia LTD and Stroitransavto LLC. Initially, the contracting authority rejected Stroitransavto’s bid in favor of Stalkonstruktsiia LTD. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Stroitransavto challenged this decision before the Antimonopoly Committee of Ukraine, and the AMCU sided with the company.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As a result, the </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-09-22-013109-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 48.1 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> contract was eventually signed with Stroitransavto LLC. However, we identified a likely overpayment of approximately UAH 2.4 million. The largest inflation concerned waterproof plywood (21 mm, 3 m × 1.5 m, FSF grade). The estimate set the material price at UAH 10,920.00 per sq m, while average market prices were around four times lower. For example, Svit Parketu sells similar plywood at </span><a href="https://www.svitparketu.net/product/suputni-tovary/fanera-vologostijka/fanera-vologostijka-fsf-21-mm/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 1,560/sq m</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, and Plyttorhservice at </span><a href="https://www.plittorgservis.com.ua/ua/fanera-fsf-elitnaya-1500x3000-sort-srcp-21-mm/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 2,202/sq m</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. On this material alone, Kharkivvodokanal could have overpaid nearly UAH 1.2 million.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In early November 2025, DOZORRO </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1n8At0OHYzPNeiga3rHuCCZwOaB_HWyxU/view"><span style="font-weight: 400;">asked</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the contracting authority to review material prices in the estimate. This was feasible because the contract price was dynamic. In its response, Kharkivvodokanal explained that the estimated value had been based on a positive expert report. We have previously </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/blog/hto-pereviryaye-cini-na-materiali-v-budivelnih-tenderah"><span style="font-weight: 400;">explained</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that expert review checks the overall reasonableness of the project, but does not analyze market prices for specific construction materials. The contracting authority thanked us for our comments and </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1lfYSmEWtwfbQPguFdkER7MFYGXNXNsK3/view?usp=drive_open"><span style="font-weight: 400;">said</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> it would adjust the contract price.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The State Audit Service also monitored this procurement. In particular, auditors raised questions about the substantiation of the estimated value and the execution of contract annexes. In response, the contracting authority explained that part of the expenses had been included in material prices, and later the contract price was adjusted by an additional agreement by UAH 2.8 million.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/ref/4502151/?returnUrl=%252Fcontractor%252F%253Fid%253D16321789"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Stroitransavto LLC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was registered in Kharkiv in 2003. From 2017 onward, the company began participating in Prozorro procurements and has won contracts totaling nearly UAH 116 million.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material was prepared within the framework of the “Digitalization for Growth, Integrity, and Transparency” (UK DIGIT) project, implemented by the Eurasia Foundation and funded by UK Dev.</span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The material was produced with the financial support of the UK Government’s International Development Assistance Programme. The contents of this material are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine; the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Government of the United Kingdom.</span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/before-after-three-cases-where-dozorro-helped-the-state-save-money-in-january/">Before/After: Three Cases Where DOZORRO Helped the State Save Money in January</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Why HACC Acquitted Former Dnipropetrovsk RSA Deputy Head Orlov</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/why-hacc-acquitted-former-dnipropetrovsk-rsa-deputy-head-orlov/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 13 Feb 2026 22:06:13 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>The court concluded that the prosecution failed to prove the constituent elements of a crime in the official’s actions.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/why-hacc-acquitted-former-dnipropetrovsk-rsa-deputy-head-orlov/">Why HACC Acquitted Former Dnipropetrovsk RSA Deputy Head Orlov</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On February 11, 2026, a panel of HACC judges</span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/documents/133981394"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">found</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Volodymyr Orlov not guilty of committing the criminal offense under Article 368(4) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine (soliciting an undue advantage in an especially large amount).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Orlov served as First Deputy Head of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration for three and a half years. The NABU and the SAPO</span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52024000000000222"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">accused</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> him of demanding USD 200,000 for facilitating the allocation, for long-term use, of 19 hectares of forest in Pishchane community to ALFA WAREHOUSE LLC. The investigation relied on the testimony of complainant Oleksii Honchar and the results of covert investigative (search) actions. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The defense of the former official insisted that both the crime itself and proper evidence of accepting an offer of a bribe or receiving it were absent. In addition, the defense argued that there were clear signs of provocation by the complainant, although the court did not agree with that claim. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ultimately, the HACC judge found that Orlov’s actions did not contain the corpus delicti, while also finding no provocation. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We closely monitored the consideration of this case in the HACC and analyzed its key aspects. So what exactly was Orlov accused of? What was recorded in the covert-investigation materials? What were the parties’ positions in the case? And what should be expected next? Read more in our</span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/uk/analytics/200-tisyac-za-19-gektariv-lisu-detali-spravi-ekszastupnika-golovi-dnipropetrovskoyi-oda-orlova"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">piece</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on the HACC Decided platform.</span></p>
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			            	Orlov served as First Deputy Head of the Dnipropetrovsk Regional State Administration for three and a half years. The NABU and the SAPO accused him of demanding USD 200,000 for facilitating the allocation, for long-term use, of 19 hectares of forest in Pishchane community to ALFA WAREHOUSE LLC. The investigation relied on the testimony of complainant Oleksii Honchar and the results of covert investigative (search) actions.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/why-hacc-acquitted-former-dnipropetrovsk-rsa-deputy-head-orlov/">Why HACC Acquitted Former Dnipropetrovsk RSA Deputy Head Orlov</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Questionable income legality and conflicts of interest: what we would ask HACC judicial candidates</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/questionable-income-legality-and-conflicts-of-interest-what-we-would-ask-hacc-judicial-candidates/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 13 Feb 2026 09:49:12 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32268</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>We want to share the most common issues we identified while reviewing information about those seeking to become judges of the HACC and its Appeals Chamber.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/questionable-income-legality-and-conflicts-of-interest-what-we-would-ask-hacc-judicial-candidates/">Questionable income legality and conflicts of interest: what we would ask HACC judicial candidates</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">On February 16, interviews with candidates for judges of the High Anti-Corruption Court and the HACC Appeals Chamber will finally begin.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The second attempt to fill judicial vacancies at the HACC and its Appeals Chamber has at last reached its final stage. After </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/competition-for-the-hacc-73-out-of-85-candidates-successfully-pass-the-practical-test/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">73 candidates passed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the qualification exam, on February 5, the Public Council of International Experts (PCIE) </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1CVZgJdoT7/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">asked the HQCJ</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to convene special joint sessions </span><a href="https://www.vkksu.gov.ua/page/spivbesida"><span style="font-weight: 400;">(interviews)</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to assess whether candidates for HACC judgeships meet integrity criteria.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This means the PCIE will review all candidates admitted to this stage of the HACC competition. In fact, the PCIE “filter” is a stage specific to competitions for anti-corruption court judges: the involvement of international experts makes it possible to run a selection process with stronger safeguards of independence and to reduce the risks of political or other undue influence over appointments.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Following these special joint sessions, a decision will be made on whether each candidate meets integrity requirements. Such a decision requires a majority vote of all those present—HQCJ members and experts together—while at least half of the international experts must vote in favor. If no decision is reached, the candidate is automatically eliminated from the competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At TI Ukraine, we are also analyzing candidates admitted to this stage. In this piece, we want to share the most common issues we identified while reviewing information about those seeking to become judges of the HACC and its Appeals Chamber.</span></p>
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			            	The PCIE “filter” is a stage specific to competitions for anti-corruption court judges: the involvement of international experts makes it possible to run a selection process with stronger safeguards of independence
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What will HACC judicial candidates be asked about?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">First, a definition. The law provides that a judicial candidate is considered to have integrity if there are no serious doubts that they are honest, independent, impartial, non-bribe-taking, ethically compliant, and irreproachable both professionally and in private life, and that all their property and lifestyle correspond to their official income.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Unfortunately, based on our preliminary assessment, not all 72 candidates (Tetiana Kononenko withdrew from the competition) meet these requirements. We should stress that we reviewed only publicly available information about participants and formulated our questions accordingly. At interviews, candidates will have an opportunity to provide explanations and persuade outside observers otherwise. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">So what concerns did we find? Let us go point by point.</span></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">1. Declared asset values do not match market prices</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Candidates often report real estate and vehicle values that are significantly below market levels at the time of purchase. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This practice may indicate artificial undervaluation in documents to evade taxes, financial monitoring, or conceal the true origin of funds. In some cases, we found that the declared and actual values of such assets differed severalfold.</span><b> That raises serious questions about the lawfulness of the sources used to acquire the property.</b></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">2. Official income does not match actual lifestyle</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For some candidates, declared income differs significantly from spending patterns and lifestyle. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, lawyers report earnings at minimum wage level despite active practice and dozens of court cases. Or families maintain real estate and cars on funds barely above subsistence level. </span><b>Such discrepancies may point to shadow income or underreporting of official income.</b></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">3. Integrity concerns in judicial practice</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some candidates with prior judicial experience have issued rulings that raised concerns about integrity. These include, for example, systematically closing administrative DUI cases due to expiration of limitation periods or being subjected to disciplinary liability for procedural violations. </span></p>
<p><b>Such episodes may indicate a negligent attitude toward judicial duties or a risk of bias.</b></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">4. Conflicts of interest and ethical concerns</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some candidates were involved in situations that created, or could have created, conflicts of interest. During our analysis, we found examples of participation in cases involving close persons or colleagues, attendance at events with individuals subject to criminal proceedings, and non-transparent explanations of gifts received from relatives. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Unfortunately, candidates do not always explain such circumstances consistently</span><b>, which undermines confidence in their ability to uphold high ethical standards.</b></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">5. False or incomplete declarations</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There were cases where candidates failed to declare assets they likely used in practice, misstated asset values, or did not declare certain income or property at all. In some instances, oversight bodies even established that </span><b>declaration data were inaccurate, which is a direct breach of anti-corruption legislation</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">6. Questionable employment arrangements</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Our analysis also revealed likely formal employment at companies whose actual activity raises questions. For example, when a lawyer is formally listed as a construction-site team leader, this may be a way to obtain exemption from mobilization. </span></p>
<p><b>Using legal mechanisms for purposes other than those intended undermines the country’s defense capacity and indicates a willingness to manipulate the law for personal gain.</b></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">7. Contacts with the aggressor state or pro-Russian structures</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some candidates visited the territory of the Russian Federation or temporarily occupied territory of Ukraine after 2015 or worked at companies that maintained business ties with Russia and Belarus after the start of aggression. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Absent critical circumstances that could justify such conduct</span><b>, this may indicate disregard for the wartime context and national interests, unacceptable for an anti-corruption court judge.</b></p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">8. Abuse of legal mechanisms for personal benefit</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We also found cases where candidates, in their professional or private lives, appear to have used abusive schemes for personal gain. These include likely facilitating circumvention of the standard procedure for lawful stay of foreigners in Ukraine through the creation of fictitious companies. Or remaining on waiting lists for free housing in breach of legal requirements. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At times, candidates also appeared to evade taxes, including by receiving company profits not as dividends but as repayable financial assistance not subject to taxation. </span></p>
<p><b>All this gives rise to doubts about irreproachable conduct in both private and professional life.</b></p>
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			            	We reviewed only publicly available information about participants and formulated our questions accordingly. At interviews, candidates will have an opportunity to provide explanations and persuade outside observers otherwise. 
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Our preliminary analysis revealed a range of concerns regarding some candidates: from declared assets that do not match market prices or lifestyle, to questionable episodes in professional activity. In this article, we deliberately do not name specific candidates; however, all materials we have prepared may be used by the PCIE and HQCJ so that, during interviews, the public can receive answers to the questions we have outlined.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">These facts require careful clarification, because HACC judges must meet the highest standards of honesty, independence, and incorruptibility. The special joint sessions of the PCIE and HQCJ are precisely the forum where candidates can provide convincing explanations and dispel doubts.</span></p>
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			            	In this article, we deliberately do not name specific candidates; however, all materials we have prepared may be used by the PCIE and HQCJ
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/questionable-income-legality-and-conflicts-of-interest-what-we-would-ask-hacc-judicial-candidates/">Questionable income legality and conflicts of interest: what we would ask HACC judicial candidates</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Who Applied for the ARMA Competition: List of Candidates</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/who-applied-for-the-arma-competition-list-of-candidates/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 12 Feb 2026 15:54:52 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>The Selection Commission for the Head of the ARMA has completed the acceptance of applications. A total of 20 people applied to participate in the competition.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/who-applied-for-the-arma-competition-list-of-candidates/">Who Applied for the ARMA Competition: List of Candidates</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Selection Commission for the Head of the Asset Recovery and Management Agency has completed the acceptance of applications. A total of 20 people applied to participate in the competition.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to information published on the Cabinet of Ministers website, the list is as follows:</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/braticel-k-v.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kostiantyn Bratitsel</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Deputy Director for International Relations, Recovery Project Management Group SE, Agency for Restoration</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/vorobiov-ia-a.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yaroslav Vorobiov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Deputy Director of the Department for Sanctioned Assets and Assets in Temporarily Occupied Territories; Head of the Division for Analysis and Acceptance of Sanctioned Assets, State Property Fund of Ukraine</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/derpak-vm.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vitalii Derpak</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Director, Ecology in Sviatoshynskyi District of Kyiv Municipal Enterprise</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/drozd-m-a.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mykola Drozd</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Director of Universal Assets Management, private asset management company</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/dubovik-v-v.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktor Dubovyk</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Director General of the Directorate for Legal Policy, Office of the President of Ukraine</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/kogut-v-m.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Volodymyr Kohut</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Deputy Head of Poltava Regional State Administration for Digital Development, Digital Transformation, and Digitalization (CDTO)</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/maksimenko-ia-p.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yaroslava Maksymenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — ARMA Deputy Head for European Integration</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/mancenko-r-je.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Rostyslav Manchenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Lead Specialist in Financial and Economic Security, Security Department, BGV Group Management LLC</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/milevskii-ia-v.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yan Milevskyi</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — participant in military operations in the ranks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Special Operations Forces (until 2023)</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/murza-v-k.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Volodymyr Murzha</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Head of Department, ARMA Western Interregional Territorial Administration</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/nikitin-d-iu.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Nikitin</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Head of Unit for Cash and Bank Metals Management, ARMA Asset Management Department</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/novosyolov-ia-o.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yaroslav Novosiolov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Director of the International Cooperation Department at the Accounting Chamber of Ukraine</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/omelcenko-d-o.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Omelchenko</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Legal expert and representative of the European Union Advisory Mission Ukraine</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/onishhuk-s-p.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Sviatoslav Onishchuk</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Lawyer</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/potyomkin-a-o.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Potiomkin</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Lawyer at Petrol Trading LLC</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/serniak-o-i.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleh Serniak</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Financial Economist for Emergency Response Drills in the Border Area of Ivano-Frankivsk Region and Satu Mare County at the Ivano-Frankivsk Regional Organization of the Ukrainian Red Cross Society (until 31 December 2025)</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/stukanov-o-s.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Stukanov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Information incomplete</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/fedorov-d-a.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Fedorov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Lawyer in private practice</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/curilov-d-v.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Dmytro Churylov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Director of the Corporate Banking Department at ASVIO BANK JSC</span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/arma-2025/12-02-26-osoby-shcho-podalys/sulga-o-g.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oleksandr Shulha</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Head of a department at NACP.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Commission is processing the submitted information and is expected, around February 20, to decide on admitting candidates to the next stage of the competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Selecting ARMA’s new leadership is critically important for effective management of seized assets and their confiscation in favor of the state. Transparency International Ukraine continues to monitor the competition process and assess candidates’ compliance with the established requirements.</span></p>
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			            	Selecting ARMA’s new leadership is critically important for effective management of seized assets and their confiscation in favor of the state.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/who-applied-for-the-arma-competition-list-of-candidates/">Who Applied for the ARMA Competition: List of Candidates</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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