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	<title>News - Transparency International Ukraine</title>
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	<title>News - Transparency International Ukraine</title>
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		<title>DOZORRO Saved UAH 186 Million for the Budget Since the Start of the Year</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/dozorro-saved-uah-186-million-for-the-budget-since-the-start-of-the-year/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Наталія Іжицька]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 10 Apr 2026 08:04:09 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32741</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The most striking recent savings cases from our monitoring work.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/dozorro-saved-uah-186-million-for-the-budget-since-the-start-of-the-year/">DOZORRO Saved UAH 186 Million for the Budget Since the Start of the Year</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the first quarter of 2026, the DOZORRO team prevented UAH 186 million from being spent ineffectively. This is the result of earlier referrals submitted to contracting authorities, oversight bodies, and law enforcement agencies on the basis of our monitoring findings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The largest share of savings comes from direct communication with contracting authorities — when they respond to our letters by adjusting contract amounts, terminating contracts, or canceling procurements altogether, where no other remedy is available. A portion of the savings also stems from criminal proceedings opened by law enforcement when engagement with contracting authorities yields no results. For more detail on how we calculate our savings, see our </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/blog/sho-take-ekonomiya-yak-rahuye-rezultat-svoyeyi-roboti-viddil-monitoringu-zakupivel-dozorro"><span style="font-weight: 400;">methodology article</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Below are three of the most illustrative recent cases — each showing how unnecessary expenditure can be prevented.</span></p>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In January 2026, the Education, Youth and Sports Department of Devladivka Village Council ordered fruits and vegetables from Ekofudtorg LLC at a contract value of </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2026-01-12-001754-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 201,000</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">DOZORRO analysts reviewed the contract prices and identified a likely overpayment of UAH 59,000 — almost 30% of the total contract value.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most glaring discrepancy involved white cabbage priced at UAH 60/kg — five times the market rate. According to Prozorro&#8217;s Market Price BI, the price in December stood at UAH 10/kg, rising to UAH 12.50/kg in January. </span><a href="https://ukrstat.gov.ua/operativ/operativ2018/ct/sctp/Arch_sctp_u.htm"><span style="font-weight: 400;">State Statistics Service</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> data confirms the same picture: the average nationwide price for white cabbage in December was UAH 10.07/kg. On this line item alone, the potential overpayment reached UAH 13,000.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even more prominent was the case of bananas. The village council department planned to purchase them at UAH 200/kg — more than three times the going market rate. By comparison, bananas on Prozorro Market were priced at UAH 70–80/kg during the same period, while State Statistics Service figures for December put the average at </span><a href="https://index.minfin.com.ua/ua/markets/wares/prods/fruits-vegetables/fruits/banana/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 61.61/kg.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The potential overpayment on this item alone could have reached UAH 11,000.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In February, we </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jEH003k0m_o3c1A9LQZjEsmOUFiFWNZT/view?usp=drive_link"><span style="font-weight: 400;">wrote</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to the contracting authority requesting that prices be brought in line with market rates. That same month, the village council </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1felg14sJtroJxniVPx9-ufDIG2bCxQ6l/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">reported</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that it had conducted a review and contacted the supplier. In March, the parties signed a supplementary agreement reducing the contract amount without changing the delivery volumes. This prevented UAH 60,300 in ineffective spending.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/catalog/company_details/45708270/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ekofudtorg LLC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was registered in late 2024 in Kryvyi Rih. Its owner and director is Kostiantyn Moskalenko.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Criminal proceedings opened over rehabilitation equipment procurement</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One of the most notable cases from March involves the procurement of rehabilitation equipment for the Yampil Territorial Hospital municipal non-commercial enterprise. In September 2025, the hospital signed a </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-08-19-010614-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 2.1 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> contract with Oris Trade LLC, </span><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/contractor/?id=27840164#express-universal-file"><span style="font-weight: 400;">owned</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> by Nataliia Bilokur.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In reviewing the cost estimate, DOZORRO analysts found significant price inflation risks. The total potential overpayment came to UAH 508,000 — approximately 24% of the contract value.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The single largest exposure was on the ZEPU-K2000B hand rehabilitation trainer, with a potential overpayment of UAH 435,000. Oris Trade LLC entered the unit price as UAH 820,050 VAT-inclusive, which included transportation and insurance, yet the same model is available on the market for at least half that amount. Oxydoc sells it for </span><a href="https://oxydoc.ua/oborudovanie-dlya-meditsinskih-uchrezhdenij/oborudovanie-dlya-reabilitacii/trenazhyor-dlya-aktivnogo-i-passivnogo-primeneniya-k2000a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 388,731</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">; Rehamed for </span><a href="https://rehamed.in.ua/sistema-dlya-aktivnih-i-passivnih-trenirovok-zepuk2000b-12390-ua.html?srsltid=AfmBOoolNqqdwMfaO2YpMg6VHHAtrjYbF1pjGEDcjShrS4FxYFlYge8U"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 381,900</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">; The Nine for </span><a href="https://thenineproducts.com/trenazher-dlia-aktyvnoi-ta-pasyvnoi-reabilitatsii-nih-i-ruk-k2000a/?srsltid=AfmBOopE3AhUOoZO5d55zFzWUeSq8CK5eVjDIZxfV3G0mv9LEHEz1b5W"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 380,000</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Even accounting for additional costs, the gap with market prices is extraordinary.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since the company had already received payment under the contract, influencing the situation through the contracting authority was not feasible. In March 2026, the DOZORRO team therefore </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1JPgoT73lf74bAwVl9e7MiR7D_h6gbQZO/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">referred</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the matter to the prosecutor&#8217;s office. </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1eNMq4ueu1YuD6OBjnUlT2FCPJPlblueM/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Law enforcement</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> responded by notifying us of an opened criminal proceeding. </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">The UAH 508,000 figure has been counted as a prevention result in our March summary.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Contract terminated: UAH 4.1 million saved</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another case involves the reconstruction of a veterinary hospital building for use as a dormitory, contracted at </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-12-17-014377-a?lot_id=60c3b63e2734477680a0a5c34aa23f8c#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 37.6 million.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> In early 2025, Khotyn City Council&#8217;s City Development Agency municipal enterprise awarded the work to Mobile Mechanized Unit-47 LLC.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Analysis of this procurement identified a likely overpayment of UAH 4.1 million, or 11% of the contract value. In February of last year, the DOZORRO project </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/16OCt1sgw2X7YEoWCfvvJrcb-Ob4dBZmB/view"><span style="font-weight: 400;">contacted</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the contracting authority requesting a review of material resource prices. Since the contract price was fixed, this would have required a supplementary agreement. Instead, the City Development Agency </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1_1YgAl0rP9DB0RmamkZsVEp6ep_bVVij/view"><span style="font-weight: 400;">responded</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that our calculations did not reflect market conditions. Notably, this is not the first time we have flagged potential overpayments in this institution&#8217;s procurements: back in March 2025, we </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/news/hotinska-agenciya-rozvitku-efektivnij-menedzhment-chi-zavisheni-cini"><span style="font-weight: 400;">reported</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> a likely UAH 8.2 million overpayment across three reconstruction projects, including the dormitory conversion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We returned to this case on multiple occasions — requesting </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1RiXvyjPe0v70LCDWHZgX0NdyqkSxBUkp/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">acceptance certificates</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> from the contracting authority and even </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/12icYR2fc5KVEs3FePR_hTnHV3TnaZjb5/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">approaching</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the prosecutor&#8217;s office — but received no response from law enforcement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ultimately, in early 2026, Khotyn City Council&#8217;s City Development Agency and Mobile Mechanized Unit-47 LLC terminated the contract. No new procurement has been announced to date. The termination prevented UAH 4.1 million in unnecessary expenditure.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/catalog/company_details/43830305/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Mobile Mechanized Unit-47</span></a> <a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/catalog/company_details/43830305/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">LLC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was registered in Khotyn in 2020. The company&#8217;s owner is Mykhailo Biliaiev. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Other notable cases from our Q1 2026 monitoring results are available in our </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/news/tri-najyaskravishi-kejsi-lyutogo-de-pislya-zauvazhen-dozorro-vdalosya-zapobigti-pereplatam"><span style="font-weight: 400;">February</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and </span><a href="https://dozorro.org/news/dopislya-tri-kejsi-de-dozorro-dopomig-derzhavi-zekonomiti-u-sichni"><span style="font-weight: 400;">January</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> reports. </span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material is funded by the European Union. Its content is the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine and does not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. </span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/dozorro-saved-uah-186-million-for-the-budget-since-the-start-of-the-year/">DOZORRO Saved UAH 186 Million for the Budget Since the Start of the Year</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Kyiv Residents Are Waiting for the Mayor&#8217;s Report</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/kyiv-residents-are-waiting-for-the-mayor-s-report/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Євгенія Семчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 09 Apr 2026 12:19:23 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32737</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Executive Director of TI Ukraine Andrii Borovyk has registered an electronic petition with the Kyiv City Council.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/kyiv-residents-are-waiting-for-the-mayor-s-report/">Kyiv Residents Are Waiting for the Mayor’s Report</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Andrii Borovyk, Executive Director of Transparency International Ukraine, has filed an </span></i><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">e-petition</span></i><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to Kyiv City Council as a Kyiv resident, demanding that Mayor Vitalii Klychko hold a proper public accountability session before the city&#8217;s community. Borovyk called on fellow Kyivans to support the initiative, noting that a long-overdue honest conversation between the capital&#8217;s leadership and its residents is well past due.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The petition concerns compliance with a legal requirement that the mayor hold at least two open public meetings per year — where residents can ask questions, raise concerns, and submit proposals.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The last such meeting in Kyiv took place in December 2021. Since then, despite the city facing a growing number of challenges, the mayor has not met with residents. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The e-petition calls for:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">holding an open mayoral report within the timeframe established by law</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">publishing the report in written form in advance so residents can review it</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">collecting and incorporating questions from Kyivans</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ensuring the event is accessible, including through an online stream and inclusive participation conditions.</span></li>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">“</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">We need to learn to have difficult, grown-up conversations. Since the start of the full-scale invasion, the number of challenges facing Kyiv has multiplied. Residents need contact with their authorities and answers to important, even contentious, questions. This is an obligation of those in power, not a choice,” said </span></i><b><i>Andrii Borovyk</i></b><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the petition&#8217;s initiator.</span></i></p>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine&#8217;s Transparent Cities program consistently finds that in many Ukrainian cities, reporting requirements are either not met at all or fulfilled in a purely formal manner — with no real dialogue with the community. As the capital, Kyiv has the opportunity to set a standard of openness and accountability for other cities. But first, Kyiv&#8217;s community must show how to make full use of the tools available to hold power to account. We encourage you to sign the petition and share it with your networks.</p>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The petition can be signed via the following link: </span><a href="https://petition.kyivcity.gov.ua/petition/?pid=14172"><span style="font-weight: 400;">https://petition.kyivcity.gov.ua/petition/?pid=14172</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">  </span></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/kyiv-residents-are-waiting-for-the-mayor-s-report/">Kyiv Residents Are Waiting for the Mayor’s Report</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Why Cities Are Failing the EU Transparency Test</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/why-cities-are-failing-the-eu-transparency-test/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Олеся Коваль]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Apr 2026 10:49:07 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=blog&#038;p=32727</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The Transparent Cities program assessed how well Ukrainian municipalities align with European governance standards.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/why-cities-are-failing-the-eu-transparency-test/">Why Cities Are Failing the EU Transparency Test</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">We tend to think of EU integration as something happening in Kyiv ministries or Brussels corridors. In reality, it lives in your smartphone — when you try to find a bomb shelter or track how humanitarian aid was distributed. Local governments make </span></i><a href="https://polaris.org.ua/en/library/manuals-and-analytics/zvity/local-europe-in-ukraine-2"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">70% of the decisions</span></i></a><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that implement European law. But are our cities ready for that responsibility? Over the past year, the Transparent Cities program assessed how well Ukrainian municipalities align with European governance standards. The verdict is sobering: we are still dealing in piecemeal solutions, not systems.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Analyzing the first three key areas of municipal governance, we found the same problems recurring across cities and regions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Local governments are not ready for European transparency standards — and security concerns alone do not explain it. Large and small regional centers, frontline and rear cities, politically stable and unstable administrations alike can maintain basic openness, keep services running, and even launch new digital tools. Outcomes are determined not so much by resources or circumstances as by governance priorities and values. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over the past year, under the European City Index, the Transparent Cities team assessed how ready Ukrainian municipalities are for EU integration across three practical dimensions: openness, public engagement, and e-services. The analysis went beyond formal disclosure — it examined the actual user experience: whether a resident can quickly find needed information, understand how the city council works, access a service, influence a decision, or get help in a crisis.</span></p>
<h3><b>The digital maze: Why dozens of services still fail users</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A city can have chatbots, maps, dashboards, and mobile apps — and still give residents no clear way in. That is why our research checks for the </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/vid-frahmentovanosti-do-zruchnosti-yevropeiskyi-pidkhid-do-publikatsii-informatsii"><span style="font-weight: 400;">single point of entry</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> principle: convenient, regularly updated thematic pages with complete information and working links. This reflects the European approach of user-centricity, where services are built around the resident, not the institution.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In practice, city council websites do the opposite: information is scattered across news sections, department pages, and outdated links, and the search function rarely helps. Last autumn, we tested </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/articles/vidkrytist-ta-vzaiemodiia-z-hromadskistiu-yak-mista-prokhodiat-yevrotest-na-prozorist"><span style="font-weight: 400;">11 large cities</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> across nine topics — from council rules and meeting access to humanitarian aid, eRestoration, information for internally displaced persons, and defenders. Only Kyiv fully met the single point of entry standard. Lviv came close: dedicated pages exist for all topics except humanitarian aid. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We found the same picture across a broader sample. Only </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/chy-mozhut-mistiany-znaity-e-servisy-na-saiti-miskoi-rady"><span style="font-weight: 400;">18</span></a> <a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/chy-mozhut-mistiany-znaity-e-servisy-na-saiti-miskoi-rady"><span style="font-weight: 400;">of the 50 largest cities have a dedicated section</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> or website with working links to at least seven current e-services. Just </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/misto-v-kysheni--khto-i-yak-rozvyvaie-mobilni-zastosunky-dlia-svoikh-hromad"><span style="font-weight: 400;">six of fifty largest cities</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odesa, Dnipro, Kryvyi Rih, and Kremenchuk — have comprehensive mobile apps updated in 2025 that provide access to all municipal digital services.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The causes vary: shifted priorities toward security, political instability, staff turnover, and parallel donor-funded projects with no coordinating framework.</span></p>
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<h3><b>Not every mayor actually talks to residents</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another warning sign is how mayors report to their communities. By law, a city&#8217;s top official must meet with residents twice a year, look them in the eye, and honestly account for what has been done. In practice, this obligation is routinely reduced to a formality — dense slide decks, departmental wrap-ups, polished promotional videos, or scripted live streams.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Our check of 100 of the largest communities was stark: </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/ne-vsi-mery-zvituiut-yak-hromadskist-mozhe-vplynuty-na-ochilnykiv-mist"><span style="font-weight: 400;">one in five mayors</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> simply ignored the obligation to report to residents for 2024. In many other cities, reporting consisted only of a text posted on the website — no public meeting, no opportunity for questions. A genuine dialogue took place in fewer than one in four cases. Even a legal requirement is not always enough to move city councils.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among the 20 regional centers, only Lviv and Khmelnytskyi held open public meetings, presented budget execution reports for the prior year, and explained where community tax revenues went in 2025. </span></p>
<h3><b>Five years of full-scale war — and still no clear picture on humanitarian aid</b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Across several cities studied, we found persistent gaps in areas that became critical after the full-scale invasion and should have been systematized by now: humanitarian aid, compensation for damaged property, services and information for IDPs and defenders, social services, shelter locations, healthcare, and energy consumption data. These are the areas where cities show the least structured, least consistent approaches.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Humanitarian aid is the starkest example. Only </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/news/kozhne-chetverte-misto-zalyshylosia-bez-mera-rezultaty-doslidzhennia-ti-ukraine"><span style="font-weight: 400;">3 of the 50 largest cities</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — Mykolaiv, Chernivtsi, and Shostka — publish the full range of required information on aid flows and distribution. Meanwhile, 20 cities publish none of the requested categories: no thematic page, no reports, no distribution criteria, no list of recipients.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This problem is solvable. Mykolaiv, Chernivtsi, and Shostka have each built dedicated pages with key information on humanitarian aid — eligibility rules, priority groups, and reporting. Even in wartime, cities can create clear, structured communication when they treat it as a governance priority.</span></p>
<p><b>Across all our research, one pattern holds: city governments that think strategically — with baseline policies, programs, and a coherent development logic — are better positioned to survive crises, build new ecosystems, and sustain what they have created. </b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When initiatives are treated as standalone projects, sometimes as a favor to international partners, the system quickly loses coherence, frustrating residents and officials alike.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In one regional center, international partners helped fund an app intended to consolidate the city&#8217;s digital services. The city never integrated it into its own management infrastructure, and after a few years of developer support, the project effectively shut down.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Separately, a local open data portal — also created with international support — has gradually lost functionality for lack of proper governance. Its most recent datasets date from 2023. The resource formally exists but no longer serves as a source of current information for residents, businesses, or researchers.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The result: cities accumulate tools but never build a system.</span></p>
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			            	Our check of 100 of the largest communities was stark: one in five mayors simply ignored the obligation to report to residents for 2024.
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<h3><b>What needs to change </b></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The question local governments must ask is not whether communities will integrate into the EU, but how ready a given city is to start now. The coming years are the critical window for that preparation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Our research shows that most problems stem not from a lack of technology or resources, but from the absence of a systematic approach to resident communication and to organizing information and services. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The European approach to governance is grounded in the principles of good governance, codified in the Council of Europe&#8217;s 12 Principles — benchmarks for building transparent, effective, and accountable public institutions that serve citizens. They cover everything from fair elections and the rule of law to transparency, accountability, ethics, and sustainable development.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Cities need to start with the foundations: restructure official websites, create dedicated thematic pages for key topics, build a complete publication cycle for council activity, strengthen digital tools for social services and vulnerable groups, and make the site&#8217;s search function an actual navigation tool rather than a decorative feature.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Genuine public engagement requires local authorities to go out and speak with their taxpayers — to report, explain, and build mature, accountable relationships. The principle is simple: go where your audience is. If you actually want to reach people and be accountable to your community, follow your audience rather than waiting for residents to monitor city council websites around the clock. Developing social media channels, using engagement tools, working with local media, and proactively going to people — this is demanding, constant work. The payoff is visibility, respect for the council&#8217;s representatives, and a calmer public environment. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We have already developed recommendations and </span><a href="https://transparentcities.in.ua/Self-assessment-forms-for-cities"><span style="font-weight: 400;">self-assessment</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> tools that let local authorities see themselves through a resident&#8217;s eyes. That matters, because change in this area does not begin with large budgets — it begins with recognizing the problem and being willing to rethink how you work.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">EU integration is not about hanging an EU flag on city hall. It is about cities where authorities speak not only about their successes but also about their problems — and begin building spaces that genuinely work for people. A city is truly ready for European transparency standards when its resident can find needed information, access assistance, or check how community funds were spent in two taps on a smartphone. Trust is built from transparent digital tools and honest dialogue — and without trust, no community can thrive. Especially in wartime.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material is made possible with the support of the MATRA Programme of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine, and with the financial support of Sweden within the framework of the program on institutional development of Transparency International Ukraine.</span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Content reflects the views of the author(s) and does not necessarily correspond with the position of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine or the Government of Sweden.</span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/why-cities-are-failing-the-eu-transparency-test/">Why Cities Are Failing the EU Transparency Test</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Borzhava Land Buyer Sues ARMA Over Refusal to Sign Auction Records</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/borzhava-land-buyer-sues-arma-over-refusal-to-sign-auction-records/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 08 Apr 2026 09:46:16 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32733</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Vinhranovskyi is one of the buyers of land plots on the Borzhava mountain meadow — assets at the center of a high-profile scandal following the January 8, 2026 auctions.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/borzhava-land-buyer-sues-arma-over-refusal-to-sign-auction-records/">Borzhava Land Buyer Sues ARMA Over Refusal to Sign Auction Records</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The District Administrative Court of Kyiv has</span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/134935851"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">opened proceedings</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in a lawsuit filed by Andrii Vinhranovskyi against the Asset Recovery and Management Agency.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vinhranovskyi is one of the buyers of land plots on the Borzhava mountain meadow — assets at the center of a</span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/arma-s-sale-of-borzhava-lands-three-questions-about-the-process/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">high-profile scandal</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> following the January 8, 2026 auctions, at which ARMA sold 460 hectares of land and ski lift stations for UAH 89.5 million, despite the assets&#8217; initial valuation exceeding UAH 1 billion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In his claim, Vinhranovskyi asks the court to declare unlawful ARMA&#8217;s failure to sign the auction records from the two January 8 electronic auctions, its failure to publish the results in the electronic system, and its effective blocking of the buyer&#8217;s security deposits totaling over UAH 34.2 million. He also seeks compensation of over UAH 1.68 million for loan interest, inflation losses, and 3% per annum.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">ARMA, for its part, published an</span><a href="https://arma.gov.ua/news/typical/arma-realizatsiya-areshtovanih-aktiviv-mae-zabezpechuvati-prozorist-konkurentsiyu-ta-ekonomichniy-efekt"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">explanation</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> stating that it declined to sign the records based on information received from the SBI and NABU. Following its review, the Agency concluded that persons whose assets are under arrest had participated in the auctions, and identified probable signs of collusion among participants and manipulation of results. ARMA notified law enforcement authorities and instructed the auction organizer to hold repeat auctions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Vinhranovskyi and the other buyer, Ihor Vlasiuk, have been</span><a href="https://detector.media/infospace/article/246957/2026-01-12-rodyna-lovochkina-legalizuvala-460-ga-zemli-shcho-buly-kupleni-za-vkradeni-v-derzhavy-koshty-tsenzornet/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">linked</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> by media to Serhii Liovochkin and Vladyslav Kaskiv — it was in the Kaskiv case that these lands were seized and transferred to ARMA for sale. Under international standards, allowing individuals connected to criminal schemes to reacquire assets through auctions, even at market price, may undermine the deterrent purpose of confiscation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also worth noting that, according to the</span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/main/l450665?lang=en"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">parliament&#8217;s website</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the government has yet to introduce the necessary legislative amendments to the procedure for selling seized assets that would prevent such situations from recurring.</span></p>
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			            	Vinhranovskyi and the other buyer, Ihor Vlasiuk, have been linked by media to Serhii Liovochkin and Vladyslav Kaskiv — it was in the Kaskiv case that these lands were seized and transferred to ARMA for sale.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/borzhava-land-buyer-sues-arma-over-refusal-to-sign-auction-records/">Borzhava Land Buyer Sues ARMA Over Refusal to Sign Auction Records</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>9 out of 100: Experts Rate Progress on the “Kachka-Kos Plan” as Critically Low</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/9-out-of-100-experts-rate-progress-on-the-kachka-kos-plan-as-critically-low/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Apr 2026 08:49:54 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>An expert coalition has released the first findings of its “Membership Check” monitoring initiative, which tracks Ukraine's progress on 10 priority EU integration reforms.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/9-out-of-100-experts-rate-progress-on-the-kachka-kos-plan-as-critically-low/">9 out of 100: Experts Rate Progress on the “Kachka-Kos Plan” as Critically Low</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">An expert coalition has </span></i><a href="https://neweurope.org.ua/en/analytics/chlenstvo-check/"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">released</span></i></a><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the first findings of its “Membership Check” monitoring initiative, which tracks Ukraine&#8217;s progress on 10 priority EU integration reforms. The joint assessment by leading think tanks puts the overall score at just 9 out of 100.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This baseline evaluation covers the “Kachka-Kos plan” — a set of equivalent reforms </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ukraine-and-the-eu-agree-on-priority-reform-plan-anti-corruption-at-the-top/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">defined in December 2025</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Alongside Transparency International Ukraine, which focused on key anti-corruption areas, the study involved the MEZHA Anti-Corruption Center, European Pravda, the ANTS National Interests Advocacy Network, DEJURE Foundation, New Europe Center, Centre of Policy and Legal Reform, and the Anti-Corruption Action Centre.</span></p>
<p><b>TI Ukraine</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> experts assessed the plan&#8217;s items most critical to effective anti-corruption work:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Criminal justice (2/20).</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> A draft amendment to the Criminal Procedure Code has reportedly been in preparation but remains unpublished, making it impossible to assess the quality of the proposed changes.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>NABU access to independent forensic examinations (0.5/10).</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The newly established Center has not yet given the NABU genuine access to independent expert examinations — adequate safeguards against undue influence are still absent.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>International experts in the HQCJ competition (1/10). </b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> A draft law to restore international participation in the HQCJ selections has not been considered by parliament since June 2025, stalling the judiciary&#8217;s renewal.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Adoption of the Anti-Corruption Strategy and SAP by end of June 2026 (0.5/5).</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Approval of the 2026–2030 Strategy is being delayed by objections from certain agencies, risking the dilution of key reforms. TI Ukraine has previously </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/analysis-of-the-draft-anti-corruption-strategy-for-2026-2030/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">analyzed</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> individual chapters and flagged potential shortcomings.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Internal control and whistleblower protection (0.5/10).</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The State Audit Service has begun incorporating internal control checks into its inspections, but the Whistleblower Portal requires significant technical improvements to offer meaningful protection.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Progress on the remaining plan items is equally minimal:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Prosecutor General selection (0/10):</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> no progress on revising procedures.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Prosecutorial leadership appointments (0.5/10): </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">transparent competitive selection has not resumed. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>SBI reform (1/10): </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">relevant draft laws have not been put up for public discussion.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>New CCU justices and HCJ members (1/5): </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">procedures are delayed, vacancies unfilled.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Benchmark 8. Judicial integrity (2/10):</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Legislation does not reflect EU recommendations on asset declaration reviews for Supreme Court judges.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“The overall score of 9 largely reflects the declarative nature of many steps taken and insufficient public access to key draft legislation. We believe that to advance EU integration more effectively, it is essential to increase transparency in document preparation and step up the Verkhovna Rada&#8217;s legislative activity,” said </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine Executive Director </span><b>Andrii Borovyk</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
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			            	We believe that to advance EU integration more effectively, it is essential to increase transparency in document preparation and step up the Verkhovna Rada&#8217;s legislative activity
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			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/9-out-of-100-experts-rate-progress-on-the-kachka-kos-plan-as-critically-low/">9 out of 100: Experts Rate Progress on the “Kachka-Kos Plan” as Critically Low</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Ukraine&#8217;s Financial Control Agenda on the Road to EU Accession</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ukraine-s-financial-control-agenda-on-the-road-to-eu-accession/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Андрій Швадчак]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 06 Apr 2026 08:24:13 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>A look at what the EU expects from Ukraine's Accounting Chamber and State Audit Service</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ukraine-s-financial-control-agenda-on-the-road-to-eu-accession/">Ukraine’s Financial Control Agenda on the Road to EU Accession</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In late February, European Pravda </span><a href="https://www.eurointegration.com.ua/files/f/3/f382f09-presidency-statement---ukr.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">published part of the criteria</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> against which the EU will assess whether Ukraine has met its accession requirements. Financial control is among them — a field directly tied to budget transparency and the state&#8217;s capacity to prevent abuse. Given that the European Union is Ukraine&#8217;s key financial partner, particular attention falls on how Ukraine&#8217;s two main oversight bodies — the Accounting Chamber and the State Audit Service — are functioning.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Accounting Chamber&#8217;s priority is ensuring its</span><b> political, financial, and administrative independence and powers</b> <b>in line with the INTOSAI standards</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In late 2024, the Verkhovna Rada passed a reform law aimed at strengthening the Accounting Chamber&#8217;s capacity and securing all aspects of its independence. Among other changes, the competitive selection procedure for Chamber members was revised to reduce parliamentary influence and bolster political independence. The key innovation was to be a dedicated Advisory Group of Experts — with international experts holding the majority vote — to screen candidates for appointment to the Accounting Chamber.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since June 2025, however, the Verkhovna Rada has been unable to vote to establish the AGE, which, in addition to three international experts, is to include three representatives of parliamentary factions or groups. This has effectively blocked the competition. As a result, </span><b>the Accounting Chamber has been operating with a reduced composition for nearly two years</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, with more than half of its seats vacant (6 out of 11). Parliament must find a compromise and bring the question of establishing the AGE to a vote as quickly as possible to unblock the competition, and then ensure that candidates are appointed to the vacant positions once it concludes.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The picture on financial and administrative independence is less clear, as it remains uncertain precisely what steps the EU expects Ukraine to take in these areas. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In late 2024, Accounting Chamber officials, including state auditors, were removed from the scope of the Law on Civil Service, with their salaries and additional payments set directly in the Chamber&#8217;s own legislation, placing them beyond government influence. In January 2025, parliament amended the Budget Code to introduce a special procedure for government and parliamentary review of the Accounting Chamber&#8217;s budget requests. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The 2024 law also removed parliament&#8217;s ability to assign unscheduled oversight activities to the Chamber by resolution, thereby securing the body&#8217;s independence in planning its own work. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The administrative independence question likely relates to the requirement that the Accounting Chamber&#8217;s maximum staff numbers be approved by a Verkhovna Rada committee — a statutory constraint designed to maintain a balance between institutional staffing and the budget required to support it. It should be noted that in August 2025, less than a year after the Accounting Chamber&#8217;s salaries were increased, an attempt was made to raise them again through an </span><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4432"><span style="font-weight: 400;">amendment to an unrelated bill</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and without adequate justification. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Beyond independence, the Accounting Chamber must first address its staffing deficit. As of October last year, the body was operating at 65% of its authorized headcount and in some regions at just 50%, directly affecting its institutional capacity.  </span></p>
<p><b>On balance, </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">we consider </span><b>the Chamber&#8217;s financial and administrative independence to be adequately secured at this point</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for compliance with INTOSAI standards, the Accounting Chamber approved updated audit methodologies back in 2023</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">, and parliament enshrined in law in 2024 a requirement that these methodologies conform to the INTOSAI IFPP. However, the updated methodologies have yet to be published, despite the statutory requirement to do so. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The State Audit Service features in the EU&#8217;s accession criteria indirectly, in the context of protecting the EU&#8217;s financial interests. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The priority task in this area is to </span><b>align Ukrainian legislation with EU acquis on combating fraud and any other illegal activity affecting the EU&#8217;s financial interests and to ensure that the relevant national coordination body has the mandate and operational capacity to do so.</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In Ukraine, it is the State Audit Service that performs the functions of the Anti-Fraud Coordination Service (AFCOS). That status carries a set of concrete obligations:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">exchanging information with the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">assisting OLAF in conducting administrative investigations and inspections</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">coordinating between OLAF and Ukrainian anti-fraud liaison bodies.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We have previously flagged a </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/who-monitors-and-how-oversight-of-spending-under-the-ukraine-facility/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">potential problem</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in the conduct of administrative investigations and inspections: State Audit Service inspectors lack sufficient powers to obtain documents and information from companies and individuals necessary to investigate violations. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In November last year, the government </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1473-2025-%D0%BF#n119"><span style="font-weight: 400;">expanded</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the Service&#8217;s powers during audits and procurement inspections — primarily by broadening the range of entities subject to oversight. However, </span><b>these changes are limited in scope and apply only to the control of funds received under the Ukraine Facility. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Without comprehensive legislative amendments, investigating potential misuse of EU funds may remain significantly hampered.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Importantly, the changes adopted last year may partially support another aspect of the EU anti-fraud agenda — </span><b>establishing cooperation with the European Commission, OLAF, and the European Public Prosecutor&#8217;s Office (EPPO) on reporting violations and conducting investigations related to EU funds.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The government expanded the grounds on which the State Audit Service may include state financial control measures in its work plans, meaning the body will be able to conduct control measures at the request of competent EU bodies, foreign states, and international organizations, as well as where there is information about the improper use of EU resources in Ukraine.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A further outstanding task is the </span><b>adoption of an effective National Anti-Fraud Strategy for the protection of EU financial interests</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. The State Audit Service developed a draft last year, but it was ultimately never approved by the government.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, the published financial control criteria came as no surprise — they follow directly from the </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/strengthening-capacity-and-preventive-control-what-the-european-commission-recommended-for-the-accounting-chamber-and-the-state-audit-service/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">recommendations</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> previously issued by the European Commission in its Enlargement Report. Ukraine has taken a number of important steps, but meeting the accession criteria will depend not only on decisions being made, but on their full implementation. The immediate priorities are clear: unblock the Accounting Chamber competition, close the gaps in the State Audit Service&#8217;s mandate, and continue harmonizing the regulatory framework for the protection of EU financial interests.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material was made possible with the support of the MATRA program of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine. Responsibility for the content lies with the author and does not necessarily reflect the official position of the Embassy. </span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ukraine-s-financial-control-agenda-on-the-road-to-eu-accession/">Ukraine’s Financial Control Agenda on the Road to EU Accession</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Air Raid Alert: How Ukraine Procures Air Raid Warning System Upgrades on Prozorro</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/air-raid-alert-how-ukraine-procures-air-raid-warning-system-upgrades-on-prozorro/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Наталія Іжицька]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 02 Apr 2026 10:27:58 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32706</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The modernization of Ukraine's air raid warning systems has become concentrated in the hands of a single company — one linked to an MP currently wanted by the NABU.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/air-raid-alert-how-ukraine-procures-air-raid-warning-system-upgrades-on-prozorro/">Air Raid Alert: How Ukraine Procures Air Raid Warning System Upgrades on Prozorro</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The air raid siren has become a sound of daily life for Ukrainians during the war. In 2025 alone, it sounded at least </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/u24.gov.ua/posts/pfbid02eUY1FAjEj4qtTBJjb7tSHVraBdMQG5QfgJyWghFJ7tm3hVrNRwePPfi4Zcdbf8qEl"><span style="font-weight: 400;">19,033 times</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. People&#8217;s lives depend directly on how fast and reliably it works.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">State spending on modernizing these systems has grown accordingly. In 2021, contracts for their repair totaled UAH 10 million. In the first year of full-scale war, that figure jumped to UAH 45 million; in 2023, to UAH 63 million; in 2024, to UAH 150 million. The peak came in 2025, when contracted amounts reached UAH 528 million. The surge reflects a Cabinet of Ministers </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/488-2018-%D1%80/conv#n10"><span style="font-weight: 400;">decision</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> launching a warning system modernization plan, which requires central executive bodies and regional administrations to implement it, while local governments may join on a voluntary basis.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this piece, DOZORRO examines how warning systems were procured in Ukraine in 2025, what obstacles participants encountered, and how one suspicious company came to effectively dominate the market.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We selected procurements containing the phrase “centralized warning systems” and manually removed unrelated entries — such as fire alarm upgrades. Procurements by Ukrhydroenergo, covering reconstruction of early warning systems and centralized monitoring at hydroelectric facilities, were also excluded.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">How much was contracted </span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">According to BI Prozorro public analytics module, procurements for warning system modernization announced in 2025 had a total estimated value of UAH 1.4 billion, </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">with one additional procurement worth UAH 66 million still active. </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">Actual contracted amounts total UAH 528 million. The gap is explained by the fact that 42% of competitive procurements by estimated value were unsuccessful or canceled, and another 5% are still ongoing. Of the 54% of procedures that resulted in signed contracts, 15% were subsequently terminated — in part following findings by the State Audit Service. Note that this article concerns contracted amounts, not funds actually disbursed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">By contract value, 90% of procurements were conducted through special open tenders; the remaining 10% were direct award contracts. According to BI Prozorro, successful warning system modernization tenders attracted an average of 1.3 bidders — pointing to a near-total absence of market competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The largest contracting volume in 2025 was recorded in Kyiv Region at UAH 139 million, followed by Cherkasy Region at UAH 124 million and Mykolaiv Region at UAH 89 million. Vinnytsia Region came in at UAH 51 million and Chernivtsi Region at UAH 45 million. Zakarpattia Region recorded the lowest procurement volume — approximately UAH 98,00</span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" style="border: none; border-radius: 8px;" title="Warning system procurements on Prozorro, 2022–2025" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/warning-systems2025/" width="100%" height="790px" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><br />
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">What the top regions have in common</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In four of the five largest procurements, the winner of contracts to upgrade territorial automated warning systems was Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka LLC. The company is modernizing warning systems in Kyiv Region for </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-11-14-009702-a?lot_id=304cb7acc06b42cf94967ac567ab559c#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 133 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, in Cherkasy Region for </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-12-09-018209-a?lot_id=fe0e5f4ba486aeaf6aa913404badf461#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 120 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, in Mykolaiv Region for </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-02-04-016159-a?lot_id=16de89a3c5a5106ea2c5a997c70a9c88#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 86 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, and in Vinnytsia for </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-07-30-007909-a?lot_id=119ec8b1bc094dc19ae07b03e45d8e92#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 49 million.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The only exception among the top five is Chernivtsi Region, where a </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-12-01-014264-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 44 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> contract went to Meteor IT LLC. Notably, for both </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-07-25-003196-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kyiv</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-07-25-003196-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Cherkasy</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> regions, the project documentation for the modernization was developed by Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka itself. </span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" style="border: none; border-radius: 8px;" title="Top warning system suppliers on Prozorro, 2022–2025" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/warning-systems2025/top_suppliers_prozorro_2022_2025_en.html" width="100%" height="650px" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"> <span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Project timelines vary: Kyiv Region is due to complete works by August 31, 2026; Cherkasy and Chernivtsi regions by end of 2027; Mykolaiv Region by October 31, 2026; and Vinnytsia by August 2027.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Beyond the notable differences in contract values, Kyiv and Cherkasy regions stand apart in another respect: their approach to contract publication. The Kyiv contracting authority did not publish the contract, </span><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1-xY03T2avaufFndZ86riTxFCZGO4YPmB/view?usp=sharing"><span style="font-weight: 400;">citing</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> a determination by the Civil Protection and Defense Department of the Kyiv Regional State Administration that the document constitutes restricted-access information whose disclosure could pose a threat to national security. In Cherkasy Region, the contract was initially withheld without any explanation, though it was eventually published as part of a contract amendment. Mykolaiv and Chernivtsi regions, as well as Vinnytsia, published their contracts promptly, finding no grounds for withholding them.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka and its likely ties to a fugitive MP</span></h2>
<p><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/catalog/company_details/37401997/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka LLC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> effectively dominates the centralized warning system modernization market. Total contracted value since 2023 stands at UAH 433 million, of which UAH 7.1 million covers project documentation development and revision. In addition to the contracts mentioned above, the company has been modernizing warning systems in the </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-08-22-004955-a?lot_id=aa5bbc45024b4de5af5bf72cd428c9e0#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kamianka</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-07-15-009183-a?lot_id=cacb0baf50414ebaa67743dbab2ca2f9#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Lutsk</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> communities since 2024. Its market share speaks for itself: in 2025, Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka accounted for 74% of the total value of all contracts for such services.  </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The company is registered in Kyiv and serves as a distributor of Polish </span><a href="https://www.uza.com.ua/home-1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Digitex</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> warning systems. It is owned by </span><a href="https://youcontrol.com.ua/catalog/company_details/33146756/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Oil and Gas Technologies LLC</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, whose ultimate beneficiary is listed as Oleksii Kolesnyk. Although the company was founded in 2010, its procurement success only began in the summer of 2023. Prior to the full-scale invasion, it held just three public contracts totaling approximately UAH 16,500.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The company&#8217;s sharp business growth coincided with a specific political moment. In 2023, MP </span><a href="https://www.chesno.org/politician/20315/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Serhii Shakhov</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the Dovira parliamentary group began publicly pushing the warning system modernization agenda. In late March 2023, the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42021000000001008"><span style="font-weight: 400;">NABU announced Shakhov as a wanted person</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, charging him with submitting false asset declarations concealing over UAH 60 million. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Around the same time, </span><a href="https://hromadske.ua/posts/rosijskij-slid-deputatskogo-obyednannya-shahova-yak-nardep-hoche-monopolizuvati-rinok-sistem-opovishennya"><span style="font-weight: 400;">hromadske</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> journalists published an investigation alleging that Shakhov had lobbied the government — including in letters to Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal — to advance warning system upgrades in order to benefit his own company, which also had Russian ties.  The journalists suggested that Shakhov was promoting Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka through his adviser Mykola Sambozuk, who had previously run a similar business in Russia and, according to their reporting, obtained Russian citizenship in 2007.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">DOZORRO analysts flagged the </span><a href="https://glavcom.ua/publications/uvaha-povitrjana-trivoha-khto-prodaje-i-kupuje-sistemi-opovishchennja-935575.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">monopolization</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> risk as early as 2023, noting at the time that the company had not yet gained significant traction with contracting authorities. As we can now see, that has changed — and the forecast proved accurate.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Excessive requirements in every tender </span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A common thread running through the tenders won by Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka: not one was completed on the first attempt. Auditor interventions forced contracting authorities to cancel or annul procurements and re-announce them. The State Audit Service found irregularities in both tender documentation and bidders&#8217; proposals. Notably, in nearly every announced procurement, potential participants raised questions about discriminatory requirements — with some submissions specifically mentioning Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka. This prompted DOZORRO analysts to examine the tender documentation across these projects.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The analysis revealed a systemic pattern: tender documentation containing conditions that restrict competition. In most cases, Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka was the only bidder — and the winner. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Contracting authorities applied a set of requirements that created significant barriers to participation, particularly for small and medium-sized businesses. Tenders in Kyiv, Cherkasy, Chernivtsi, and Mykolaiv regions all required a special permit for working with state secrets.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A separate barrier involved strict conditions on equivalent equipment — applied by contracting authorities in Vinnytsia, Kyiv, and Chernivtsi. Bidders offering alternative equipment had to demonstrate full compliance with the project specifications, leaving virtually no margin for error. In practice, a simple comparison table — which contracting authorities did request — should have sufficed. But they additionally required guarantee letters or other supporting documents, making the conditions excessively burdensome. As a result, companies are effectively pushed to offer the exact equipment specified in the project documentation — often tied to a specific manufacturer — to avoid the risk of disqualification. This substantially narrows competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among the excessive requirements was a mandatory package of seven ISO or DSTU certificates, including highly specific standards such as ISO 50001 (energy management) and ISO 41001 (facility management). This requirement was applied by contracting authorities in Vinnytsia, Kyiv, Cherkasy, and Mykolaiv. Several of these standards have no direct relevance to the installation of technical systems and appear to function as an additional filter that screens out participants without substantial resources.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Similar requirements recurred across the tender documentation of multiple regions — Kyiv, Cherkasy, Mykolaiv, and Chernivtsi, suggesting the use of coordinated approaches to documentation preparation. File metadata may point in the same direction: documents from Kyiv, Cherkasy, and Mykolaiv regions list “ThinkPad” as the file owner, which may indicate the use of a common template or preparation of documentation outside the respective regional organizers.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Other potentially discriminatory conditions also appeared. The Chernivtsi procuring entity required a site visit certificate bearing the contracting authority&#8217;s signature — without which submitting a bid was effectively impossible. In Vinnytsia, the contracting authority required authorization letters from equipment manufacturer Digitex, making participation contingent on the goodwill of a third party — the manufacturer or its official representative. The same contracting authority also required proof that measuring instruments — a megohmmeter, ground resistance meter, and multifunction electrical measuring device — were in working order and had been verified, supported by calibration certificates from authorized bodies such as the state enterprise Ukrmetrteststandart.  Companies were further required to demonstrate their right to conduct such measurements through a certificate of recognized measurement capabilities with appendices. While such documentation may indeed be necessary at the work execution stage, demanding it at the proposal submission stage is excessive and narrows the pool of potential participants.</span></p>
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<table>
<tbody>
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<td><b>Requirement</b></td>
<td>
<b>Vinnytsia</b></td>
<td><b>Kyiv Region </b></td>
<td><b>Mykolaiv Region </b></td>
<td><b>Cherkasy Region </b></td>
<td><b>Chernivtsi Region</b></td>
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<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Set of 7 ISO certificates (9001, 14001, 45001, 50001, 8965, 41001, 22301)</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
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<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Strict Equivalent requirement (comparison table + guarantee letter or other documents)</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
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<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Authorization letter from manufacturer (Digitex)</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
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<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Site visit certificate</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">NO</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">YES</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Winner</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka LLC</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka LLC</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka LLC</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka LLC</span></td>
<td><span style="font-weight: 400;">Meteor IT LLC</span></td>
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</tbody>
</table>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Last year, Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka also attempted to enter the </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-11-27-012040-a?lot_id=59c1b863841f426db0782f6bce85bb98#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Zhytomyr</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Region market — without success. The contracting authority rejected its bid due to inaccuracies in resource documentation. DOZORRO analysts reviewed that tender and found no overt discriminatory requirements, with the exception of the state secrets permit requirement, which potentially narrows the field of participants.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another large-scale tender is currently underway: the warning system upgrade in Kremenchuk. The Civil Protection and Defense Department of the Kremenchuk City Council plans to sign a </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-12-25-004756-a?lot_id=62e75f38fe94430092e9160889afbb5e#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 61 million</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> contract with Compass Engineering LLC, even though another participant offered to do the work at a lower price — a bid that was legitimately rejected for failing to meet the technical requirements of the tender documentation. Our analysis of that tender documentation found no discriminatory conditions.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Conclusion</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The overall picture is troubling: the warning system modernization market is effectively consolidating around a single company — Ukrzaliznychavtomatyka LLC. Journalists flagged this risk back in 2023, and it now appears to be materializing. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One contributing factor is the approach to tender documentation. Procuring entities have consistently written in complex and highly specific requirements — from extensive certificate packages to strict limitations on equivalent equipment and additional supporting documents. And crucially, these approaches recur across multiple regions. The result is competition that is largely formal: alternative suppliers have almost no real chance, and the winner is often predictable. The situation is further complicated by the fact that the same company frequently participates in developing the project documentation against which the works are subsequently tendered.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Taken together, this raises an uncomfortable but logical question: are we looking at a market that has organically consolidated around a strong player — or a system in which the conditions are being tailored to a specific company?</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material was prepared within the framework of the “Digitalization for Growth, Integrity, and Transparency” (UK DIGIT) project, implemented by the Eurasia Foundation and funded by UK Dev.</span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The material was produced with the financial support of the UK Government’s International Development Assistance Programme. The contents of this material are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine; the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Government of the United Kingdom.</span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/air-raid-alert-how-ukraine-procures-air-raid-warning-system-upgrades-on-prozorro/">Air Raid Alert: How Ukraine Procures Air Raid Warning System Upgrades on Prozorro</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>A Leaky Registry: What&#8217;s Wrong with Full Access to Court Decisions</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-leaky-registry-what-s-wrong-with-full-access-to-court-decisions/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Павло Демчук]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 Mar 2026 11:14:13 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32704</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The problem of unauthorized use of data obtained through full access to court decisions is growing — and it needs to be fixed.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-leaky-registry-what-s-wrong-with-full-access-to-court-decisions/">A Leaky Registry: What’s Wrong with Full Access to Court Decisions</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The problem of unauthorized use of data obtained through full access to court decisions is growing — and it needs to be fixed.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pre-trial investigations must remain strictly confidential up to a certain point. Suspects, the public, and uninvolved state bodies should have no visibility into what the prosecution is doing or planning. The logic is simple: keep outsiders away from the evidence before it&#8217;s secured. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That&#8217;s what information security systems are for. Yet suspects will always try to stay one step ahead of law enforcement, covering their tracks and shielding themselves from prosecution. Which is why we keep seeing </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/dani-pro-rozsliduvannja-zlivali-i-zlivajut-krivonos-pro-rozsliduvannja-plivok-mindicha.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">reports</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of attempts to extract information during the “closed” stages of an investigation, before a formal suspicion notice is ever served. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One tool they&#8217;ve exploited is access to the Unified State Register of Court Decisions (USRCD) — not the public version available to everyone, but full access: the kind that reveals names, addresses, and even rulings from closed hearings, including search warrants, temporary access orders, and asset freezes. Some people have turned this into a business. Last year, NABU </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/sprava-advokativ-khakeriv-jak-nabu-vijavilo-parazitiv.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">served suspicion notices</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to lawyers involved in schemes for illegally accessing sealed court rulings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Further evidence of the problem surfaced at a parliamentary anti-corruption committee </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/live/cik0U8flSXc?si=woIys6huxeCbk41c"><span style="font-weight: 400;">session</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on February 26, when the NABU and the SAPO leadership disclosed that a number of officials — from the SSU, ARMA, SBI, PGO, and the National Police — had searched and viewed HACC rulings in the so-called Midas operation: warrants and procedural orders, some of which were still confidential at the time. According to anti-corruption authorities, none of this activity could be explained by professional necessity. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This article examines the root causes and potential solutions. </span></p>
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			            	Further evidence of the problem surfaced at a parliamentary anti-corruption committee session on February 26, when the NABU and the SAPO leadership disclosed that a number of officials — from the SSU, ARMA, SBI, PGO, and the National Police — had searched and viewed HACC rulings in the so-called Midas operation
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">How does register access work?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The USRCD </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v1200910-18#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">operates</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> under two access tiers. </span></p>
<p><b>General access</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is open to the public via the </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">official web portal</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. All published decisions are depersonalized — names, addresses, and other sensitive data are stripped out. </span></p>
<p><b>Full access</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is a restricted, service-use instrument available exclusively to judges, court staff, and authorized personnel of law enforcement and state bodies (NABU, SAPO, SSU, SBI, ARMA, etc.). This tier displays unredacted documents in their entirety. Authorization </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/login"><span style="font-weight: 400;">requires login</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> through the Electronic Court system using personal digital keys or tokens.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under the USRCD </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v1200910-18#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Maintenance Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the administrator — state enterprise Judicial Information Systems — is required to track and log all actions by authorized users. In other words: there&#8217;s a paper trail for who searched what, and when.</span></p>
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			            	Under the USRCD Maintenance Procedure, the administrator — state enterprise Judicial Information Systems — is required to track and log all actions by authorized users. In other words: there&#8217;s a paper trail for who searched what, and when.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">What&#8217;s the problem?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Debate over the unauthorized dissemination of information obtained through full register access intensified following several NABU cases, most notably the </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/LAW/sprava-borzikh-vkazuje-na-potrebu-zakriti-dostup-do-sudovikh-rishen-dlja-zahalu-na-chas-slidstva.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Borzykh case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. More recently, the </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/172waWeqQU/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Midas operation</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> disclosure revealed officials from multiple agencies browsing sealed rulings without legitimate cause. And during HACC judicial selection interviews, it </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-one/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">emerged</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that candidates — themselves authorized registry users — had conducted searches impossible to justify on professional grounds. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As we can see, last year alone saw no shortage of unjustified searches in the USRCD. The mechanisms enabling these leaks fall into three categories.</span></p>
<p><b>Use of others&#8217; credentials</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Various authorities have confirmed cases where third parties (typically lawyers) accessed the sealed register using judges&#8217; login credentials. In one case from the Kyiv Region, a lawyer allegedly logged in under a judge&#8217;s credentials to </span><a href="https://glavcom.ua/kyiv/news/dbr-pidozrjuje-advokata-z-kijivshchini-u-zlivi-informatsiji-z-jersr-1042831.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">retrieve rulings</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> concerning his clients (operators of fraudulent call centers) and tipped them off about planned investigative actions. This was prosecuted as unauthorized interference with automated systems under Article 361(5) of the Criminal Code.</span></p>
<p><b>Court staff acting as insiders</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Schemes have also been uncovered where court employees systematically supply information to outside clients. In Dnipro, a </span><a href="https://sudreporter.org/u-dnipri-pomichnyczyu-suddi-pidozryuyut-u-zlyvi-informacziyi-z-reyestru-sudovyh-rishen/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">judge&#8217;s assistant</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> allegedly conducted targeted searches twice a week on behalf of criminal actors and lawyers, printed search warrants (including those in money-laundering cases) and handed them over for payment.</span></p>
<p><b>Unjustified searches under full access</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Log analysis </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/notes-from-hacc-judge-candidate-interviews-week-one/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">during HACC selection interviews</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> revealed widespread misuse of service-level credentials for personal purposes. It was established that candidates (sitting judges) had run hundreds of queries on former family members, their businesses, or their own cases. One candidate&#8217;s login was linked to 240 queries unrelated to their caseload, including 75 searches on their sister&#8217;s ex-husband, who was under investigation. System logs show recurring searches by name on prominent figures in anti-corruption investigations (Alperin, for example), conducted by individuals with no procedural connection to those cases whatsoever. Candidates routinely explain this away as “general professional curiosity,” but for investigators it creates a real risk of prematurely exposing prosecutorial strategy.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Technical logging can trace activity tied to a specific digital key over years. Yet users frequently claim no knowledge of the individuals searched or simply can&#8217;t explain the queries — strongly suggesting either credential-sharing or deliberate concealment.</span></p>
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			            	Last year alone saw no shortage of unjustified searches in the USRCD. The mechanisms enabling these leaks fall into three categories.
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">What&#8217;s the current legal framework?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Law of Ukraine on </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/3262-15#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Access to Court Decisions</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the primary statute governing the USRCD, specifies when general access may be restricted — </span><b>but says nothing about restricting full access to particular categories of decisions</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The assumption, apparently, was that all authorized users would handle the information responsibly. The record shows otherwise.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In response, the High Council of Justice adopted </span><a href="https://hcj.gov.ua/doc/doc/40739"><span style="font-weight: 400;">amendments</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in July 2023, at NABU&#8217;s request, permitting investigators and prosecutors to restrict (or delay) general access to certain rulings. The Supreme Court </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/117340691"><span style="font-weight: 400;">struck</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> those amendments down.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On top of all preventive measures, criminal liability applies to unauthorized actions involving register data. The relevant offenses include: unauthorized interference with the operation of information and communication systems and networks (Article 361 of the Criminal Code); illegal sale or distribution of restricted-access information stored in computer systems (Article 361-2); deliberate entry of false information or failure to timely enter data into judicial automated systems (the UJITC, etc.), as well as unauthorized actions involving data in such systems — whether committed by authorized users or outsiders (Article 376-1).</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But criminal liability is reactive — it responds to leaks that have already occurred. It does not deter effectively, nor does it protect ongoing investigations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The USRCD </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v1200910-18#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Maintenance Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> does authorize Judicial Information Systems to revoke full access from users who violate the law, including by disclosing register information. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Tellingly, the gaps in USRCD access regulation are acknowledged by the expert community as well. The draft Anti-Corruption Strategy 2026–2030 lists as an </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/pdfjs/?file=/wp-content/uploads/Pages/1a/ed/1aed203ebee05a76db89746d32e943bc4dddd9ae3e0f131c7e175a75c2fce25a221231.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">expected result</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the establishment of effective mechanisms to prevent, detect, and respond to abuse in automated case distribution and register access — including audit and automated monitoring of full-access user activity (para. 2.1.5.4). It also requires that any restriction on access to court decisions be justified, proportionate, and based on legally established procedures (para. 2.1.5.5). The message is clear: the current framework is inadequate and the need for changes is already overdue.</span></p>
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			            	Criminal liability is reactive — it responds to leaks that have already occurred. It does not deter effectively, nor does it protect ongoing investigations.</p>
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">What needs to change?</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">One step has already been taken: as of March 1, 2025, USRCD authorization </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/direktor-nabu-semen-krivonos-pidozrjuvani-advokati-ne-jedini-khto-kachav-informatsiju-z-rejestriv.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">requires</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> tokens through the Electronic Court system, eliminating simple username-and-password logins. This makes it possible to establish that full access was obtained from a specific judge — not as a result of negligence.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Legislative reform is the other piece of the puzzle. Earlier attempts to amend the law on access to court decisions, including to prevent unauthorized disclosure of information available under full access, have already been made. Last year, MPs actively pushed </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/statement-on-parliament-s-attempt-to-unreasonably-restrict-right-to-information/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft Law No. 7033-d</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which drew public criticism for proposals that would have restricted general access to the USRCD as well — a disproportionate and unacceptable overreach. A </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1CSHL1CyCQ/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">revised version</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is now back before the relevant committee. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">There have also been calls to </span><a href="https://zn.ua/ukr/anticorruption/sprava-advokativ-khakeriv-jak-nabu-vijavilo-parazitiv.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">close off</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> all pre-trial decisions from the register entirely. But it bears repeating: unauthorized dissemination occurs precisely through full access — the tier that is, by design, limited to a narrow circle of users. Moreover, many pre-trial rulings are issued in open hearings, some of which are even </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/42025000000001123"><span style="font-weight: 400;">broadcast</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Blanket restriction on general access to such rulings would undermine public oversight — and that is unacceptable.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also worth acknowledging that </span><b>full access to the register can, in certain cases, be a genuinely effective tool.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Quick access to information helps resolve conflicts of interest, prevent attempts to resell assets after a freeze, and address other operational needs. But calibrating the scope of accessible rulings to the actual mandate of the official holding full access would go a long way toward eliminating the risks of unauthorized disclosure.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To protect particularly sensitive pre-trial information, we support legislative proposals to </span><b>restrict full access as well</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, so that officials would be unable to retrieve information on search warrants, covert investigative measures, asset freezes, and temporary access orders. Critically, these restrictions should apply specifically to decisions issued in closed hearings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The closed-hearing mechanism under Article 27 of the Criminal Procedure Code allows for the publication of rulings with targeted redaction of information whose disclosure could harm either individual rights or the interests of the pre-trial investigation. Blanket restriction on general access to decisions issued in open proceedings, such as pre-trial detention rulings or extensions of investigation periods, would erode accountability and public monitoring, including the ability to track the progress of corruption investigations. Post-indictment asset freeze decisions, reviewed with the participation of property owners, allow the public to monitor whether confiscation actually follows conviction. That oversight function must be preserved.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even now, a troubling pattern is visible: access to certain plea agreement verdicts is being restricted from general view, despite judges </span><a href="https://t.me/fightcorruptor/4619"><span style="font-weight: 400;">having the tools</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to redact only the sensitive portions. However important the interests of an investigation may be, the mechanisms of accountability and transparency must not be sacrificed — they are among Ukraine&#8217;s hard-won achievements on the road to democratic law enforcement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Finally, having reviewed the recordings of joint PCIE and HJCJ qualification sessions on HACC judicial selection, we can confirm that the technical capacity to monitor USRCD activity already exists. What is now needed is a legal obligation to use it: regular audits of search activity, with clear and enforceable consequences — disciplinary action for unjustified queries, and criminal liability where the elements of an offense are present.</span></p>
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			            	Having reviewed the recordings of joint PCIE and HJCJ qualification sessions on HACC judicial selection, we can confirm that the technical capacity to monitor USRCD activity already exists. What is now needed is a legal obligation to use it: regular audits of search activity, with clear and enforceable consequences
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">***</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Unauthorized access to the court register has become a systemic problem — and criminal liability alone will not solve it. Addressing it requires a comprehensive approach combining technical, legislative, and organizational measures.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">First, the scope of full register access must be reviewed against the actual mandate of each official who holds it. Where clear criteria can be established, that access should be narrowed accordingly.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Second, legislation must restrict full access to specific categories of decisions: search warrants, asset freezes, and other rulings issued in closed hearings. These should be unavailable in full mode for a defined period, or until a specified trigger — such as the delivery of a verdict in the case.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The closed-hearing mechanism under Article 27 of the Criminal Procedure Code should in turn be applied consistently — with targeted redaction of sensitive information, not wholesale closure of entire decisions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Third, the existing technical logging capacity must become the foundation for regular audits of search activity, with clear consequences for unjustified queries — disciplinary or criminal, depending on whether the elements of an offense are present.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Throughout all of this, any restrictions must leave the principle of open justice intact. Unjustifiably closing off access to plea agreement verdicts or pre-trial rulings, such as detention decisions, would undermine the democratic oversight of law enforcement that Ukraine has been building.</span></p>
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			            	Unauthorized access to the court register has become a systemic problem — and criminal liability alone will not solve it. Addressing it requires a comprehensive approach combining technical, legislative, and organizational measures.
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			            	Pavlo Demchuk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/a-leaky-registry-what-s-wrong-with-full-access-to-court-decisions/">A Leaky Registry: What’s Wrong with Full Access to Court Decisions</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Analysis of the Draft Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2026–2030</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/analysis-of-the-draft-anti-corruption-strategy-for-2026-2030/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 31 Mar 2026 10:47:56 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32694</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Some of the shortcomings we identified may lead to the ineffectiveness of both the Anti-Corruption Strategy and the DAP, which is to be adopted on the basis of the Strategy.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/analysis-of-the-draft-anti-corruption-strategy-for-2026-2030/">Analysis of the Draft Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2026–2030</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The new draft Anti-Corruption Strategy, as regards the sections covering anti-corruption policy, corruption prevention, the anti-corruption segment of criminal justice, and recovery, broadly addresses most of the relevant issues in these areas. The section on public procurement cannot be independently assessed, as our experts contributed to drafting it. The NACP did engage external expert groups to carry out research on the respective topics — a positive practice.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The NACP also maintained its positive practice of holding discussions on all sections of Chapters I and II of the Anti-Corruption Strategy. In addition, the Agency </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/uk/1-1-zabezpechennya-formuvannya-koordynatsiya-vykonannya-monitoryng-ta-otsinka-efektyvnosti-derzhavnoi-antykoruptsiynoi-polityky/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">published</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the materials used to prepare the draft sections, along with presentations, recordings of public discussions, and a table indicating which public comments were accepted or rejected, with explanations.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the substance of the document,</span><b> the following improvements are also worth noting.</b></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The NACP incorporated a number of TI Ukraine&#8217;s proposals: the introduction of a “strategic pause” between anti-corruption policy cycles, a mechanism to incentivize implementers of the State Anti-Corruption Program, and the right of the NACP to issue binding instructions to government bodies.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">For the first time, recovery is designated as a standalone priority section of the Strategy. This section correctly diagnoses the problems in the recovery area, though the proposed mechanisms require further elaboration at the level of the SAP.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft demonstrates a high degree of alignment with the European Commission&#8217;s technical recommendations, particularly with respect to anti-corruption criminal justice.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The whistleblower section proposes amendments aimed at aligning national legislation with EU Directive 2019/1937 — changes long called for by civil society representatives and international partners alike. </span></li>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That said, certain elements of the Strategy could be improved.</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Duplication of existing norms.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Certain sections (for example, the section on state anti-corruption policy) repeat provisions of existing legislation without adding regulatory value. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Insufficient specificity of certain strategic results. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">This applies, for example, to the protection of anti-corruption bodies&#8217; independence from harmful legislative initiatives.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Failure to incorporate critical comments in the draft Strategy.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The current version of the document leaves unaddressed concerns regarding the ineffectiveness of the e-declaration verification mechanism, the absence of automated assignment of monitoring cases at the NACP, and the need to abolish the automatic closure of cases upon the expiry of pre-trial investigation deadlines. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Incomplete coverage of problems identified but unresolved under the previous Strategy. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The document contains no provisions on the effectiveness of anti-money laundering efforts, despite evident problems in this area. </span></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some of these shortcomings may undermine the effectiveness of both the Anti-Corruption Strategy and the SAP to be adopted on its basis.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft Anti-Corruption Strategy has now been submitted to the relevant authorities for approval, after which the final version of the document will be published. </span></p>
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			            	The new draft Anti-Corruption Strategy, as regards the sections covering anti-corruption policy, corruption prevention, the anti-corruption segment of criminal justice, and recovery, broadly addresses most of the relevant issues in these areas.
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<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Introduction</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In January 2026, the NACP published the </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/pdfjs/?file=/wp-content/uploads/Pages/92/e2/92e2f5540fad7dd677ddc49b7f9e8bcffbeb435e8d2512b9858687adbc6b05ac989337.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">draft</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2026–2030 (hereinafter — the AS, or the Strategy), which the Agency submitted for approval to stakeholder bodies. The new strategic document contains three chapters, rather than the four found in the current Strategy. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this iteration, Chapter I covers the general system of corruption prevention and counteraction, while Chapter II addresses corruption prevention in priority sectors. Also, a new final chapter has been introduced, dealing with the regulation of key procedural aspects of implementation, reporting, monitoring, coordination, and effectiveness assessment of the Anti-Corruption Strategy and the State Anti-Corruption Program (SAP) for 2026–2030. This chapter was added after the round of public discussions had concluded and was presented only in the finalized draft, meaning that civil society organizations had no opportunity to comment on it. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also worth noting that, in drafting the new Anti-Corruption Strategy, </span><b>the NACP engaged external expert groups</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — an approach that is positive in terms of inclusivity and the overall quality of individual sections. This was likely a contributing factor to the insufficient uniformity across sections, particularly in terms of the level of detail provided. </span></p>
<p><b>TI Ukraine was involved both in drafting certain sections </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">and in discussions of drafts already published by the NACP. In particular, our experts worked directly on the public procurement section, and the analysis below reflects this.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">With respect to sections 1.1, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.9, and 1.10 of Chapter I, and sections 2.1.1, 2.1.2, 2.3.2, and 2.5 of Chapter II of the Strategy, TI Ukraine&#8217;s experts participated in public discussions of these parts and submitted written comments to the NACP.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also important to note that NACP published the relevant supporting </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/uk/antykoruptsiyna-strategiya-na-2026-2030-roky/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">materials</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for all sections, as well as tables indicating whether comments were accepted or rejected. This is a good practice that the Agency applied when preparing the previous Strategy as well. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We now turn to the sections reviewed by TI Ukraine.</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
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			            	It is also worth noting that, in drafting the new Anti-Corruption Strategy, the NACP engaged external expert groups — an approach that is positive in terms of inclusivity and the overall quality of individual sections.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">State Anti-Corruption Policy</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Section 1.1, on state anti-corruption policy, addresses the regulation of the preparation and implementation of the AS and SAP for future periods. Compared to the anti-corruption policy section of the current Strategy, the new draft covers a narrower set of problems and strategic results, drawing directly on the experience of preparing and implementing the current anti-corruption policy cycle.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The section&#8217;s focus on the development and implementation of the anti-corruption policy cycle is entirely justified. The previous Anti-Corruption Strategy was the first document of its kind and contained, in its anti-corruption policy chapter, broadly framed problems and declaratory expected results — such as a reduction in the general level of public tolerance for corruption in Ukraine. The corresponding section of the new draft AS is free of such superfluous provisions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That said, the draft has its weaknesses. Section 1.1 frequently proposes that the NACP and other responsible bodies carry out a range of activities that these institutions already perform on a regular basis. Despite this, our comment — that the Strategy should not duplicate activities already required by law — was not accepted. The Agency explained that the Strategy must be aligned with existing legislation to ensure proper implementation by the relevant bodies, and that the document should contain all possible measures for addressing the problems it identifies. This rationale is difficult to accept, since the AS is itself adopted at the level of a law, and its provisions are equally binding as those of sector-specific legislation. There is therefore no need for duplication. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the positive side, the NACP accepted our proposal to introduce a “strategic pause” between the end of the 2026–2030 Strategy and SAP and the preparation of the next anti-corruption policy cycle. The Agency also agreed on the need to introduce incentive mechanisms for SAP implementers and to grant the NACP the right to issue binding instructions — both of which should significantly improve the implementation discipline of government bodies.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, our comment proposing that an acceptable rate of SAP implementation be set at 90% of completed measures — with the remaining 10% either having justifiably lost relevance or being unimplemented for financial reasons — was not reflected in the final draft. This threshold corresponds to OECD </span><a href="https://www.oecd.org/en/publications/review-of-anti-corruption-reforms-in-ukraine-under-the-fifth-round-of-monitoring_9e03ebb6-en.html"><span style="font-weight: 400;">requirements</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. The question of implementation rates is not addressed at all in the current draft AS.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Some of our comments aimed at improving the coordination of AS and SAP implementation were accepted, which is also a positive development. For example, the final draft provides for the possibility of including representatives of the business community, academic community, non-governmental organizations, international technical assistance projects, and international organizations in the Coordination Working Group on Anti-Corruption Policy.</span></p>
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			            	The section&#8217;s focus on the development and implementation of the anti-corruption policy cycle is entirely justified. The previous Anti-Corruption Strategy was the first document of its kind and contained, in its anti-corruption policy chapter, broadly framed problems and declaratory expected results — such as a reduction in the general level of public tolerance for corruption in Ukraine.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Corruption risk analysis and conflicts of interest</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Sections 1.3 through 1.5 of the Strategy — covering anti-corruption programs, authorized units and officers, corruption risk analysis, and conflict of interest monitoring — broadly address most of the relevant issues in these areas. Sections 1.3 and 1.4 attracted fewer critical comments from us than the conflict of interest section, which is also one of the most detailed in Chapter I of the AS. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The NACP accepted our proposal to </span><b>review approaches to the remuneration of authorized officers</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> in light of the complexity of their functions, as well as the proposal to explicitly designate the failure to incorporate the results of a previous anti-corruption program as grounds for the NACP to reject a new program.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, although the section addresses the strengthening of the </span><b>institutional independence of authorized officers</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, TI Ukraine&#8217;s comments regarding sanctions for the absence of authorized units or officers, as well as for the absence of anti-corruption programs, were not reflected in the Strategy&#8217;s expected results. The Agency explained that heads of organizations should themselves be motivated to maintain effective internal anti-corruption policies, and that sanctions would therefore not be effective. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In our opinion, the existence of sanctions for failing to adopt an anti-corruption program or for not having an authorized anti-corruption officer would nonetheless serve as an additional incentive to comply with legal requirements, since sanctions are designed precisely to motivate those who would not act on their own initiative.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The NACP also did not provide for a more systematic involvement of civil society expert organizations in corruption risk assessments and the preparation of anti-corruption programs.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">With respect to the </span><b>quality of NACP&#8217;s and the Ministry of Justice&#8217;s anti-corruption assessments</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the comment-response </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/pdfjs/?file=/wp-content/uploads/Pages/dc/87/dc87b7e075cb915ffd4e30ffcf1e86661be1733786828e6fc9ea8462ea2eaed3881967.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">table</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> indicates that the Agency intends to implement some of TI Ukraine&#8217;s comments at the SAP development stage. However, NACP&#8217;s intention to reconsider its discretion in selecting draft regulatory acts for expert review was not clearly reflected. The Agency may yet revise its position during the SAP development stage and incorporate this measure into that document.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the</span><b> conflict of interest</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> section, the NACP still has not addressed the most critical comment — namely, that the Agency does not yet apply automated assignment of monitoring cases among its authorized officers, despite this approach having been criticized in the external independent assessment </span><a href="https://www.kmu.gov.ua/storage/app/sites/1/perevirka%20NAZK/report-of-the-commission-for-conducting-independent-assessment-of-the-effectiveness-of-the-nacp.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">report</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of NACP&#8217;s performance for 2020–2021. The Agency explained that introducing automated assignment for proactive monitoring would artificially limit NACP&#8217;s ability to respond independently and swiftly to information appearing in the public domain and would significantly reduce the effectiveness of the proactive oversight mechanism</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We cannot agree that the effectiveness of monitoring is contingent on the absence of automated assignment. Full declaration reviews can also be triggered by notifications from individuals and legal entities or information from media — and this does not prevent automated assignment from being applied in far more complex verification procedures. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Moreover, the logic of prioritizing oversight effectiveness over oversight transparency is simply untenable in the context of NACP&#8217;s anti-corruption work.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Likewise, despite TI Ukraine&#8217;s comment, the NACP retained provision 1.5.3.2, which introduces exceptions to the general prohibition on officials receiving gifts in cases of </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“difficult life circumstances”</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (medical treatment, damaged housing). In our view, this creates identifiable risks of abuse. Issues of financial support for officials should instead be resolved through improvements to the social protection system for such persons or through the creation of charitable public fundraising mechanisms.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The NACP also declined to accept TI Ukraine&#8217;s position that the introduction of the concept of </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“perceived conflict of interest” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">into legislation would be premature, given that problems persist with the interpretation of existing terms. Specifically, despite the definitions of real and potential conflicts of interest established by law, courts have still been unable to develop consistent case law in matters involving violations in this area.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The remaining provisions of the conflict-of-interest section — regarding restrictions related to gifts, corporate ownership, and the combination or concurrent holding of official positions — were, in our opinion, developed to a high standard. The section successfully addresses the issue of disproportionate requirements concerning the mandatory transfer of corporate rights, the need to revisit the prohibition on receiving gifts, and the insufficient regulatory clarity surrounding the rules on combining and concurrently holding positions.</span></p>
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			            	However, although the section addresses the strengthening of the institutional independence of authorized officers, TI Ukraine&#8217;s comments regarding sanctions for the absence of authorized units or officers, as well as for the absence of anti-corruption programs, were not reflected in the Strategy&#8217;s expected results.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Financial control</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Section 1.6 on financial control captures the problem of incomplete coverage of declaration subjects (staff of patronage services, members of local council executive committees, etc.), the excessive burden of completing declarations, ineffective oversight of timely declaration submission, and the insufficient effectiveness of the financial control mechanism as a whole. All of these issues are important for strengthening this mechanism and are consistent with the European Commission&#8217;s requirements.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Despite this, Section 1.6 attracted our sharpest criticism. While the NACP does acknowledge the insufficient effectiveness of financial disclosure, it attributes this primarily to inadequate automation and interoperability of registries, as well as legislative shortcomings — whereas civil society and international experts have consistently argued that it is the Agency itself that has built a financial disclosure system that fails to deliver results.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, the EU&#8217;s latest </span><a href="https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/document/download/17115494-8122-4d10-8a06-2cf275eecde7_en?filename=ukraine-report-2025.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Enlargement Report</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on Ukraine calls for a stronger e-declaration system to genuinely and effectively prevent and detect unexplained assets. The Commission stated that the </span><b>system has practical and legal shortcomings, primarily relating to the automated verification process</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">What the NACP needs is not more automation of verifications, but a focus on enhancing the capacity of its authorized officers to conduct full verifications — only a human investigator can carry out a quality investigation of circumstances that appear suspicious. TI Ukraine has on numerous occasions provided the NACP with detailed </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/steps-needed-to-make-nacp-efficient/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">recommendations</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for overhauling the financial disclosure system. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Despite significant resources invested in developing and operating the electronic asset declaration registries, the financial control tools are mostly used to hold officials accountable for fairly minor instances of concealment or inaccurate declarations. Rarely does an e-declaration review escalate into a serious top-level corruption investigation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among our proposals, we suggested that the section include a problem statement to the effect that the </span><b>existing financial disclosure mechanisms at the NACP are ineffective</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> due to the Agency&#8217;s limited resources, their suboptimal use, the existence of duplicative functions, and other underperforming elements of the system. Addressing this problem would require a series of legislative amendments, updates to internal regulations, and changes to NACP&#8217;s implementation practices. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The NACP did not agree with our proposals and even </span><a href="https://nazk.gov.ua/pdfjs/?file=/wp-content/uploads/Pages/e0/61/e061a16037d58bc344c5dfd6c347627231f9441d7ad8ddfc3498ec42fb2184e71099251.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">signaled an intention</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to enshrine in law the automation of verifications as a substitute for manual full-review procedures.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among the comments that were accepted: the abolition of the obligation to submit certain interim disclosures already covered by the annual declaration, and the extension of oversight to officials of state-owned enterprises (with a shareholding above 50%) and members of executive committees.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">With this approach — ignoring genuinely important problems in the corruption prevention system in the new AS — we will continue to fail to see any real effect from the Agency&#8217;s work for a long time to come, and will instead witness, once again, corruption scandals that could not be prevented. </span></p>
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			            	What the NACP needs is not more automation of verifications, but a focus on enhancing the capacity of its authorized officers to conduct full verifications — only a human investigator can carry out a quality investigation of circumstances that appear suspicious.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Whistleblower protection</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The whistleblower protection section attracted almost no critical comments from us. The NACP developed it to a high standard, with an appropriate level of detail for a document of the Anti-Corruption Strategy&#8217;s standing. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This section covers both the need to bring legislation and practice on whistleblower protection into conformity with European standards, and the need to improve the operation of the Unified Whistleblower Reporting Portal and the responsible bodies, as well as to foster a culture of whistleblowing.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To achieve these objectives, the Strategy proposes a set of interrelated measures: bringing national legislation into line with EU </span><a href="https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/dir/2019/1937/oj/eng"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Directive</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> 2019/1937 and harmonizing the definition of “whistleblower”; establishing an institutional framework with a designated coordinating body and a network of responsible units within public and private organizations; promoting a culture of whistleblowing and raising employees&#8217; awareness of their rights; modernizing the Unified Whistleblower Reporting Portal through integration with state systems and the introduction of a mobile application; and other critically important steps to improve how the whistleblower institution functions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The only substantive proposal from TI Ukraine was to clarify the relationship between the statuses of “whistleblower” and “confidential informant” so as to avoid legal confusion. However, given its specific nature, this point is likely to be addressed at the SAP stage.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Comments from another expert organization were also well-taken concerning the absence of adequate tracking of complaints about violations of whistleblowers&#8217; rights and the low number of cases in which rights are actually restored. The number of whistleblowers effectively protected is the real measure of the Agency&#8217;s performance in this area, so it is important to keep the focus here. The NACP did not fully incorporate these comments but did take them into account. We hope these observations will be reflected, if not in the final text of the AS, then in the SAP. </span></p>
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			            	The only substantive proposal from TI Ukraine was to clarify the relationship between the statuses of “whistleblower” and “confidential informant” so as to avoid legal confusion. However, given its specific nature, this point is likely to be addressed at the SAP stage.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Anti-corruption segment of criminal justice</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Sections 1.9 (“Counteracting corruption and corruption-related offenses”) and 1.10 (“Independence, institutional resilience and effectiveness of anti-corruption institutions”) of the draft Anti-Corruption Strategy cover the system of legal liability for corruption and the capacity of anti-corruption bodies to enforce it. Section 1.9 systematically covers the types of liability — from disciplinary measures through civil law instruments to criminal liability. Section 1.10 is structured around four anti-corruption institutions: NACP, NABU, SAPO, and HACC.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, the draft AS in this part </span><b>demonstrates a high degree of alignment with the European Commission&#8217;s technical recommendations:</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> it includes autonomous wiretapping powers for NABU, expanded authority for the SAPO Director, measures to counter the abuse of procedural rights in HACC, and strengthened internal oversight within NABU. The recommendation on the statistical data system (1.9.4.3) was fully incorporated, while the “fugitives” issue (1.9.4.4) was addressed partially.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That said, the draft Strategy provides for </span><b>granting NACP the right to independently file civil confiscation claims</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (Result 1.9.2.2). During public discussions, we recommended against this, citing the Agency&#8217;s already heavy workload and the advisability of limiting the measure to granting NACP procedural powers to collect evidence following amendments to Article 290 of the Civil Procedure Code of Ukraine. Instead, the NACP would be better served by gaining the ability to independently represent its own protocols in court, rather than relying on prosecutors — a measure already envisaged in the State Anti-Corruption Program for 2023–2025 but not yet implemented.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft&#8217;s wording also </span><b>fails to cover the scenario of filing a civil confiscation claim following an acquittal</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, addressing only cases where proceedings have been closed. This creates a legal gap, since an acquittal and the closure of proceedings are distinct procedural institutions. In the absence of a clear provision allowing for civil confiscation following an acquittal, the state risks losing this tool in cases where individuals are acquitted due to evidentiary shortcomings and the higher standard of proof in criminal proceedings compared to civil ones. The problem of SAPO prosecutors lacking the right to obtain restricted-access information for the purpose of building an evidence base in unjustified assets cases also goes unaddressed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine proposed </span><b>conditioning the referral of cases based on NACP protocols to the HACC on a prior strengthening of the court&#8217;s capacity</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, citing the court&#8217;s heavy caseload and shortage of judges. The draft retains provision 1.9.3.3 on the adjudication of cases by HACC without any such caveat, although Section 1.10.4 provides for measures to improve the court&#8217;s efficiency. The logical connection between these provisions is not apparent, and the temporal sequencing of their implementation is not defined.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We emphasized the need to </span><b>specify the provisions on special confiscation and statutes of limitations in the Criminal Code of Ukraine</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (modifying the point at which the limitation period begins and expanding the grounds for suspension). The draft operates with general language about bringing legislation into conformity with EU and OECD standards, which could theoretically encompass these issues.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The most problematic gap is the </span><b>absence of any provision on abolishing the automatic closure of cases upon the expiry of pre-trial investigation deadlines</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. This is one of the most acute problems in practice and is already included on the list of </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ukraine-and-the-eu-agree-on-priority-reform-plan-anti-corruption-at-the-top/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">priority reforms</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on Ukraine&#8217;s EU accession path and in the </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/analysis-of-the-rule-of-law-roadmap-anti-corruption-aspects/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Rule of Law Roadmap</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — yet the anti-corruption strategy, as the highest-level anti-corruption policy document, makes no mention of it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Compared to the previous Anti-Corruption Strategy, the draft </span><b>contains no provisions on the effectiveness of anti-money laundering efforts</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. This is a cause for concern given the circumstances of the </span><a href="https://hacc-decided.ti-ukraine.org/en/cases/52025000000000472"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Midas case</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which point to insufficient financial monitoring effectiveness, and the </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/limited-progress-in-the-fight-against-corruption-what-the-2025-european-commission-report-recommends-for-ukraine/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">European Commission&#8217;s warning</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that the freezing and confiscation of criminal assets remain very limited in scope.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, in the section on the judicial system and the status of judges, our proposal was accepted: </span><b>selection to the High Qualifications Commission of Judges and the High Council of Justice should continue to be based on an improved selection process with the participation of independent experts</b> <b>nominated by international partners</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and holding a decisive vote. And in the section on the prosecution service, public order, and countering criminal offenses, a positive development is the proposal to </span><b>establish robust procedures for the appointment and dismissal of the Prosecutor General </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">to mitigate risks of informal or political influence, as well as to </span><b>reinstate competitive selection for positions of prosecutors in the Prosecutor General&#8217;s Office and regional prosecution offices, in line with European Commission recommendations</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, it is critically important that ambitious strategic outcomes do not remain merely declaratory. The experience of the previous Strategy shows that even progressive provisions can be nullified by a lack of political will. The Strategy could also have established mechanisms to protect the independence of anti-corruption bodies from harmful legislative initiatives, as occurred in the summer of 2025 with the </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/stripping-nabu-and-sapo-of-independence-legal-analysis-of-amendments-to-draft-law-no-12414-2/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">law</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that sought to curtail the independence of the NABU and the SAPO.</span></p>
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			            	Overall, the draft AS in this part demonstrates a high degree of alignment with the European Commission&#8217;s technical recommendations: it includes autonomous wiretapping powers for NABU, expanded authority for the SAPO Director, measures to counter the abuse of procedural rights in HACC, and strengthened internal oversight within NABU.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Recovery</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Recovery has for the first time been designated as a standalone chapter of the draft AS, as one of the priority areas of state policy. Given its cross-cutting nature, some of the related problems are also reflected in the chapters on construction and public procurement. The dedicated recovery chapter focuses on strategic planning, regulatory framework, and the selection of recovery projects.</span></p>
<p><b>The absence of a comprehensive state recovery strategy</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is the first problem the Strategy aims to address. Despite the existence of individual planning documents at the local and regional levels, no holistic state-level strategy for eliminating the consequences of the armed aggression and for post-war recovery has been approved, notwithstanding the regulatory prerequisites for one and prior attempts to develop </span><a href="https://recovery.gov.ua/en"><span style="font-weight: 400;">such a document</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The existence of a document that would conceptually define the nature, objectives, and priorities of recovery — and provide for mechanisms of coordination, monitoring, and accountability — is a critically necessary precondition for effective planning, adequate financing, and the implementation of recovery projects. At the same time, </span><b>approving a comprehensive and actionable recovery strategy will be no simple task</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, for several reasons.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Recovery is a complex area that intersects with many areas of state policy. Certain aspects of recovery have already been addressed in a range of sector-specific policies and strategic documents. Under these conditions, formulating a coherent recovery strategy requires </span><b>careful alignment of its key provisions with a broad range of stakeholders and proper coordination among different priorities</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Moreover, there is no shared understanding of the very concept of “recovery” — its scope, priorities, and components. For some, it means returning to the pre-war state; for others, modernization and “building back better”; for others still, a mixed model dependent on sector and territory. The Strategy risks being either too general or failing to secure the support of key stakeholders.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Second, the data on which the strategy would need to be based (the scale of destruction, losses, needs, and their prioritization) is constantly changing. Furthermore, </span><b>management decisions in the recovery sphere are not always grounded in complete, reliable, and systematized data</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Under these conditions, it is difficult to enshrine in a strategic document objectives and priorities that will not have lost their relevance by the time of implementation. The draft AS rightly identifies this as a distinct critical challenge requiring resolution.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Third, in wartime conditions</span><b>, the logic of recovery is largely subordinated to the priority of rapid response in specific areas or sectors, </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">which complicates the alignment of such decisions with long-term planning</span><b>.</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among the other problems identified in the draft Strategy&#8217;s recovery section, it is worth noting the </span><b>government&#8217;s active use of pilot projects</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> as an alternative to applying the provisions of permanent legislation. This mechanism effectively allows for departures from general permitting procedures, funding rules, and oversight mechanisms.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since the start of the full-scale war, the use of pilot projects has taken on a systemic character — driven, on the one hand, by the need for swift decision-making, and giving rise, on the other hand, to risks of legislative fragmentation, reduced procedural predictability, weakened transparency and accountability, and inefficient use of public funds.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine previously </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/no-significant-progress-and-unclear-prospects-the-experiment-in-comprehensive-restoration-of-localities/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">researched</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the pilot project on the comprehensive recovery of settlements affected by Russian aggression. The findings showed that, due to gaps in the conditions governing the experiment, the reconstruction of one of the planned settlements was effectively dropped from the program. Moreover, over two years of implementation, only approximately 8% of the planned number of facilities had been restored.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft Anti-Corruption Strategy proposes to regulate the mechanism for launching government pilot projects, by providing for a clear definition of their legal nature, a mandatory justification for departures from standard procedures, the publication of information on their implementation and results, and the exercise of state financial oversight with respect to such projects. The proposed approach would create the preconditions for a more transparent and clearly defined use of pilot projects and for reducing corruption risks in the recovery sphere. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, </span><b>the requirement to justify departures from standard procedures risks becoming a formality in the absence of clear criteria for the permissibility of such departures</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Furthermore, failure to achieve the declared objective of a pilot project, or the absence of a substantiated report on its results, should be treated as grounds for its termination. These aspects should be taken into account in the preparation of the State Anti-Corruption Program.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The final two problems in the recovery —</span><b> the absence of a single approved mechanism for prioritizing recovery projects, and the absence of a Unified Public Investment Project Management Information System </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">— are closely interrelated.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The public investment management reform envisages the creation of a Unified Public Investment Project Management Information System (the Unified Information System), which is meant to be used for the prioritization and selection of public investment projects and programs — including those in the recovery sector — and to contain information on their implementation. However, the Unified Information System is not yet operational, and the formation of the Unified Project Portfolio for 2026 was carried out using the DREAM system, which only partially captures information on project implementation, readiness status, level of financing, and so forth.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Prioritization at the state level is currently applied to individual investment projects and investment programs, which may combine several such projects. However, legislation does not provide for a clear mechanism for prioritizing the projects included within investment programs. This gap creates risks of non-transparent selection, the inclusion of questionable projects in investment programs, and their subsequent entry into the Unified Project Portfolio.</span></p>
<p><b>The implementation of the measures set out in the draft Strategy will be of key importance for preventing non-transparent allocation of funds, duplication of financing, and their inefficient use. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">This includes ensuring the prioritization of all investment programs and projects — including those forming part of investment programs — as well as the introduction and proper functioning of the Unified Public Investment Project Management Information System, of which the DREAM system is an integral component. </span></p>
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			            	Moreover, there is no shared understanding of the very concept of “recovery” — its scope, priorities, and components. For some, it means returning to the pre-war state; for others, modernization and “building back better”; for others still, a mixed model dependent on sector and territory. The Strategy risks being either too general or failing to secure the support of key stakeholders.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Public procurement</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Last year, experts from the DOZORRO TI Ukraine project participated in drafting the Anti-Corruption Strategy&#8217;s public procurement section, conducting the necessary research and continuing to develop proposals for the corresponding expected results and measures. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Based on the outcomes of a public expert survey, five problems were identified as the most significant in this area, the first of which is the </span><b>abuse of the ability to modify essential terms of a procurement contract</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Such practices occur both at the contract execution stage — when parties diverge from the draft contract published in the tender — and at the implementation stage. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To minimize such abuses, we proposed the following: </span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">defining a minimum list of procurement contract terms that are essential and may not be arbitrarily modified, taking into account how specific terms affect competition and the interests of the contracting parties,</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">improving the legal regulation of the conditions for modifying procurement contracts, clarifying the rules governing price amendments, and expanding the volume of information published on contract modifications,</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">developing the Prozorro system to a level that allows a procurement contract to be concluded automatically on the basis of its machine-readable draft form and introducing a full-text search function across contracts and supplementary agreements to facilitate oversight of their legality. </span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The second problem the future Anti-Corruption Strategy will seek to address in the procurement sector is </span><b>discriminatory and excessive requirements in procurement</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. This refers not only to overt discrimination in the classical sense, but also to excessive requirements that make procurement unattractive to participate in yet cannot be challenged — for example, excessively long payment terms and minimum timeframes for the submission of tender proposals. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">To improve the situation, we proposed introducing an appeal mechanism before the Antimonopoly Committee for purchases conducted through electronic catalogs; researching the factors that prevent businesses from challenging discriminatory conditions; defining requirements for permissible payment terms under procurement contracts; and extending the timeframes for the submission of tender proposals. It would also be appropriate to digitize procurement conditions and raise the professional level of contracting entities.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The third problem is the </span><b>abuse of direct procurement</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, particularly under martial law. To address it, the list of grounds for conducting non-competitive above-threshold procurements needs to be revised and reduced, and the conditions and methods for conducting them optimized — including by reinstating the negotiated procedure where possible. In addition, it is important to regulate how the value of a procurement subject is determined when conducted directly, without a tender. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The final two problems relate to </span><b>proper oversight and accountability for intentional procurement violations. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The procurement monitoring mechanism requires further development and improvement — in particular, a preventive and risk-based approach to monitoring is needed, primarily through pre-contract monitoring. It is equally important to ensure the effective implementation of the obligations identified in monitoring conclusions. A standardized list of remedial measures depending on the severity of violations, as well as an expedited court review procedure for monitoring conclusions, should help here. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">With respect to accountability for violations, the focus of proposals is </span><b>primarily on ensuring that such accountability is inevitable</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. This requires updating the composition of administrative offenses and eliminating the factors that lead courts to frequently classify identified violations as minor or to dispute their existence altogether. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The problems outlined may in some cases manifest not only as corrupt practices but also in situations where there is no corrupt intent. Nonetheless, each of them facilitates such practices or reduces the preventive effect on corruption in the work of contracting authorities.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Most of the expected strategic results will require legislative amendments, technical changes in the Prozorro system, and additional research. The adoption of </span><a href="https://itd.rada.gov.ua/billinfo/Bills/Card/44788"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft Law No. 11520</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> should facilitate the implementation of some of the steps outlined. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The author team has traveled a long road of research and development of the Anti-Corruption Strategy draft, which began in January 2025 and continues to this day. We hope that, following the necessary approvals and revisions, the key ideas and intentions embedded in our proposals will be preserved. </span></p>
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			            	The problems outlined may in some cases manifest not only as corrupt practices but also in situations where there is no corrupt intent. Nonetheless, each of them facilitates such practices or reduces the preventive effect on corruption in the work of contracting authorities.
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Conclusions</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft new Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2026–2030 is fairly uneven in terms of both coverage of the necessary issues and NACP&#8217;s responsiveness to TI Ukraine&#8217;s comments. Certain sections of the Strategy are well prepared, reflecting both the positions of civil society and international partners, including the EU. However, on other matters our assessments were more critical and were not taken on board.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among the key issues, we highlight the following.</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Duplication of existing norms.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Certain sections (for example, the section on state anti-corruption policy) repeat provisions of existing legislation without adding regulatory value. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Insufficient specificity of certain strategic results. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">This applies, for example, to the protection of anti-corruption bodies&#8217; independence from harmful legislative initiatives.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Failure to incorporate critical comments in the draft Strategy.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The current version of the document leaves unaddressed the concerns regarding the ineffectiveness of the e-declaration verification mechanism, the absence of automated assignment of monitoring cases at the NACP, and the need to abolish the automatic closure of cases upon the expiry of pre-trial investigation deadlines. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>Incomplete coverage of problems identified but unresolved under the previous Strategy. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">The document contains no provisions on the effectiveness of anti-money laundering efforts, despite evident problems in this area. </span></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A recurring issue is the uneven level of detail across sections of the Strategy — a problem likely attributable to the involvement of different author groups without sufficiently rigorous editorial processing of the final document. This uneven structure creates the risk of uneven implementation of the Strategy in practice. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We hope that some of these problems will still be addressed through the approval process with the relevant authorities — though the prospects for this currently appear uncertain. </span></p>
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			            	Certain sections of the Strategy are well prepared, reflecting both the positions of civil society and international partners, including the EU. However, on other matters our assessments were more critical and were not taken on board.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/analysis-of-the-draft-anti-corruption-strategy-for-2026-2030/">Analysis of the Draft Anti-Corruption Strategy for 2026–2030</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Billions Outside Prozorro: An Analysis of the Grounds for Applying Above-Threshold Direct Awards</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/billions-outside-prozorro-an-analysis-of-the-grounds-for-applying-above-threshold-direct-awards/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Валерія Залевська]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 30 Mar 2026 14:39:58 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=research&#038;p=32691</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The DOZORRO TI Ukraine project examined which grounds for non-competitive procurement are most frequently used by contracting authorities and what volumes such procurement entails.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/billions-outside-prozorro-an-analysis-of-the-grounds-for-applying-above-threshold-direct-awards/">Billions Outside Prozorro: An Analysis of the Grounds for Applying Above-Threshold Direct Awards</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Non-competitive procurement has always been a contentious issue in public procurement — when and under what conditions it should be permitted. It is simpler and faster than competitive tendering, but for that very reason carries greater risks of overpayment, corruption, and simply inefficient decisions. Prior to the full-scale war, contracting authorities could use the negotiated procedure in exceptional circumstances instead of open tendering. </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/1178-2022-%D0%BF#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Resolution No. 1178</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which governs the specific features of procurement under martial law, replaced it with direct awards, under which a contracting authority simply reports the outcome in the system. The list of grounds on which competitive procedures may be dispensed with has also grown. Indeed, ever since, it has been continuously expanding or contracting — amendments to that list in the Resolution have been made 18 times to date. At the same time, as far back as its </span><a href="https://enlargement.ec.europa.eu/ukraine-report-2024_en"><span style="font-weight: 400;">2024 Enlargement Report on Ukraine</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the European Commission called on Ukraine to reduce the list of grounds for above-threshold direct contracts to a minimum. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Above-threshold status is determined by the aggregate estimated value of procurement within a single item, specifically a CPV class. Under martial law, the threshold is UAH 100,000 for goods and services, UAH 200,000 for current repair services, and UAH 1.5 million for works.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We set out to examine how contracting authorities conduct above-threshold direct contracts: which grounds they invoke most frequently, which sectors account for the greatest share of such procurement, and how the situation has changed compared with the era of the negotiated procedure.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For the analysis, we used data exported for us by the state enterprise Prozorro (for which we are grateful) and data from the BI Prozorro analytics module. To identify the relevant procurement, we applied the logic that above-threshold direct award lots are those in which the electronic field for the ground for using a non-competitive procurement method has been completed. We acknowledge that in isolated cases contracting authorities may have inadvertently completed this field when simply reporting a below-threshold procurement. However, even under the worst and highly unrealistic scenario, that margin of error amounts to approximately UAH 3 billion in monetary terms, which has no material effect on the results of the analysis. Contracting authorities also occasionally indicate an incorrect ground in the electronic field — we manually corrected such deficiencies in a number of the largest procurements, but in all other cases relied on the electronic field.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The study uses data covering the period from July 30, 2024, the date on which this field became mandatory, through September 30, 2025 — the last complete month before we commenced the analysis. We also excluded from the sample procurement with unverified or inaccurate data that could distort the results: 358 lots totalling approximately UAH 124 million that were cancelled, contained technical errors, or were test procurements. A further 303 lots totaling UAH 86 million were excluded separately, as the contracting authorities in those cases were entities that do not qualify as contracting authorities within the meaning of the Law on Public Procurement — for example, certain commercial entities or organizations without public funding. Contract values have been converted throughout into the national currency.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We have also used the wording of the grounds for non-competitive procedures as they appear in the Prozorro electronic field, together with abbreviated versions thereof. The wording as set out in Resolution No. 1178 is available </span><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1bVinNleItX1stpsWG3k0BN__0g8uKLR1_EzFxSY2MiA/edit?gid=0#gid=0"><span style="font-weight: 400;">via the link</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
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<h2><a href="https://surli.cc/mrajnp"><b>Summary</b></a></h2>
<p><a href="https://surli.cc/mrajnp"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over 14 months</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><a href="https://surli.cc/mrajnp"><span style="font-weight: 400;">contracting authorities concluded 257,000 above-threshold direct award contracts totaling</span></a> <a href="https://surli.cc/mrajnp"><span style="font-weight: 400;">UAH 401.7 billion. </span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">This represents approximately 6% of the total number of contracts in the system and nearly 28% of their aggregate value. While the number of such procurements is relatively modest, their </span><b>financial scale is significant</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, </span><b>almost half of the total value</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (43.3%) of above-threshold direct contracts relates to the </span><b>procurement of natural gas by a contracting authority on which the government has imposed public service obligations. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">These are reports on the sale of gas within the Naftogaz group, which became mandatory in 2023. Such procurements may distort the statistics and overstate the problem of direct non-competitive awards in Prozorro, including in the eyes of international partners. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, the situation regarding non-competitive above-threshold procurement would be improved by </span><b>reinstating the negotiated procedure.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Excluding natural gas procurement within the Naftogaz group, approximately </span><b>70% of contract value</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> currently consists of procurement conducted on grounds for which the negotiated procedure was previously required. The negotiated procedure provides for consultations with several suppliers where possible, and for a review mechanism, both of which reduce the risk of infringements and inefficient decisions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Direct awards can be retained as exceptions for circumstances arising specifically from martial law — for example, where a contracting authority is located in an area of active hostilities. At the same time, a</span><b> number of grounds should be reconsidered altogether</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — whether they are in fact necessary. </span></p>
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<h2><b>Volumes and dynamics of procurement</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">From July 30, 2024, to September 30, 2025, contracting authorities concluded 257,000 above-threshold direct award contracts. Their value at the time of the study stood at </span><b>UAH 401.7 billion</b><span style="font-weight: 440;"> — </span><b>nearly 28%</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the aggregate current value of contracts concluded during that period. While their value share is significant, the number of such procurements is moderate, at 5.87% of the total. </span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/" width="100%" height="440" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span>﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Contracting authority activity is largely governed by the budgetary and planning cycle. A gradual increase in the number of lots and total contract value is observed through to January 2025, followed by a steady decline through March. This pattern mirrors the general trend across all procurement methods and may be explained by a combination of seasonal factors, the desire to use up budget appropriations before the year-end, and procurements for the new year. In the seasonality analysis, we excluded reports on natural gas procurement within the Naftogaz group, as they significantly distorted the statistics.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This means that the planning and management of budgetary resources in the direct award segment of procurement require heightened attention during the peak season, in order to prevent inefficient use of funds and potential procurement risks.</span></p>
<p><iframe style="width: 120%; height: 750px; border: none; overflow: hidden;" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/procurement_infographic_dynamics_en.html" scrolling="no"><br />
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<h2><b>Grounds applied by contracting authorities</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over the 14 months under review, 84.4% of the value of above-threshold direct awards fell within the five most common grounds out of nearly three dozen. These were: </span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Procurement of natural gas by an entity subject to public service obligations — 43.3%. In four such procurements totaling UAH 82.8 billion, the contracting authority indicated an incorrect ground in the electronic field; these were added manually on the basis of the justification document.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Absence of competition on technical grounds — 19.1%.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Protection of critical infrastructure and energy facilities — 8.1%.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Procurement on grounds of urgent need — 7.6%.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Open tendering canceled due to absence of tenders — 6.4%.</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">By number of lots, four grounds account for 78.1% of procurements:</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Absence of competition on technical grounds — 29.9%.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Open tendering canceled due to the absence of tenders — 18.3%.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Procurement on grounds of urgent need — 15.7%.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Legal services — 14.2%.</span></li>
</ol>
<p><iframe style="width: 120%; height: 1200px; border: none; overflow: hidden;" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/dozorro_nekonkurentni_en.html" scrolling="no"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><br />
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Each of these grounds has its own application characteristics and associated risks.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the ground of </span><b>absence of competition on technical grounds</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, contracting authorities may conduct procurement from natural monopolies (where the absence of competition has been formally recognized by the Antimonopoly Committee) or in other circumstances. To roughly estimate the share of procurements conducted specifically from natural monopolies, we used the AMCU&#8217;s consolidated register of natural monopolies as of October 31, 2025. They account for 56.1% of procurements on the ground of absence of competition on technical grounds by number of lots, and 51.8% by value.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In other cases, the absence of competition may arise from vendor lock-in, where changing a contractor is disadvantageous or altogether impossible. In IT service procurement, for example, such dependency may arise from the architecture of the IT product, the absence of comprehensive technical documentation, or the use of niche programming languages. The effective monopolization by developers of the right to further develop solutions they have created can lead to rising service costs and reduced motivation for the contractor to innovate or improve quality in the absence of competition. This issue is examined in greater detail in the study on </span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/problems-of-procurement-of-it-product-development-services/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">IT procurement in Prozorro.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> That said, not every restriction of competition is unambiguously negative or the result of bad faith on the part of the contracting authority or supplier. In a number of situations — in particular those relating to national security, defense capability, or the protection of critical infrastructure — the use of proprietary technical solutions, closed architectures, or a limited pool of contractors may be objectively justified and aimed at minimizing risks to the state. The same applies to other procurement subjects.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In direct contracts on grounds of </span><b>urgent need</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, there is a risk that the need is not in fact genuinely urgent — or that it became urgent as a result of the contracting authority&#8217;s own actions in failing to procure earlier. The number of procurements on this ground increases toward the end of the budgetary year — between September and December, that number rises by approximately 50%. It is therefore most likely that contracting authorities also invoke this ground simply when they need to use up appropriations within the budgetary year. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When a contracting authority concludes a </span><b>direct contract because no one submitted a tender</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the terms of that direct award must be identical to those of the original tender. However, whether contracting authorities comply with this in practice — for example, whether they require counterparties to provide all the certificates they requested from bidders in the failed competition — is difficult to verify, since only the contract itself is published in the system. There are instances where contracting authorities conclude several contracts instead of one. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among direct contracts for </span><b>legal services</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, high-volume procurement of small amounts is combined with a number of large strategic contracts. 65% of total procurement value is concentrated among five contracting authorities: Ukrnafta JSC, National Joint Stock Company Naftogaz of Ukraine, Dnipro Metropolitan Municipal Enterprise, and the Eastern and South-Eastern Interregional Centers for the Provision of Free Legal Aid. By number of lots, however, nearly 97% belong to the last two legal aid centers, which systematically procure legal representation services for the provision of </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">secondary free legal aid. </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">We also investigated how other such inter-regional centers procure legal services. It emerged that they too conclude numerous small direct contracts en masse, but do not indicate the ground in the electronic field. In total, the number of such lots from legal aid centers over the period under review was nearly 73,000, totaling UAH 646 million. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the case of legal services, the question arises as to whether direct contracts should in fact be permitted at all for such services. </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-01-09-006100-a?lot_id=3e88afc7729544969d2aa0f26448e0bf#lots"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Legal advisory and legal representation services</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, for example, are procured competitively. Similarly, competitive procedures are used to procure a range of other high-expertise services — such as consulting or audit. </span></p>
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<h2><b>What is being procured</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Contracting authorities most frequently used above-threshold non-competitive procurement for the purchase of services. Services account for 57.47% of all such procurements — over 147,000 of the 257,000 lots. In monetary terms, however, services represent only 19.7% of the aggregate contract value. This indicates that the majority of service procurements are small in value but large in volume. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The situation with goods is quite different. Although fewer in number than services — 40.15% of the total, or over 103,000 lots — goods account for nearly two-thirds of the total value of direct contracts, approximately UAH 255 billion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Works have the smallest share — only 2.38% by number, or approximately 6,000 lots. In value terms, however, they account for 16.88% of all above-threshold non-competitive procurements (nearly UAH 68 billion). </span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/dozorro_infographic_subject_en.html" width="100%" height="700" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">If one drills down into CPV codes, the value of direct awards is heavily concentrated in three categories, which together account for over 69% of total contract value. Certain categories generate a substantial share of contract value despite a relatively low number of lots. </span></p>
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<p><b>Gaseous fuels (09120000-6)</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> is the key category by financial volume. Despite its modest share of the total number of lots, gas accounts for the largest share of contract value. One reason is the obligation on Naftogaz Trading LLC, a gas supply company, to report on its procurement of natural gas from its own parent company and other entities within the group. This subsidiary of NAC Naftogaz of Ukraine conducts wholesale sales of natural gas to industrial consumers, budget institutions, and suppliers.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is also worth noting that nearly 8,700 gas supply contracts were concluded via direct award following unsuccessful competitive tendering. During the period under review, only 8.3% of competitive procurements of this commodity were successfully completed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine has committed to ensuring a free market for electricity and gaseous fuels. At the same time, the government has imposed public service obligations on Naftogaz Trading LLC — the company is required to supply natural gas to budget institutions at a preferential tariff. No separate rules have been established for this situation, so contracting authorities are required to launch open tendering, which no one participates in due to the low estimated value, and then conclude a direct contract with the Naftogaz company at a low price. Occasionally — in summer, for example, when the price of the commodity is lower — competitive tendering does succeed. Overall, however, considerable resources are expended on formal procedures. </span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/infographic_gas_en.html" width="100%" height="470" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><b>Construction works (CPV 45000000-7)</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">: For the analysis of this sector, we consolidated all procurements by the second digit of the CPV code, since the procurement item here is defined by reference to the object rather than the classifier. Three grounds account for 75.7% of the total value of above-threshold direct awards in this sector, while together representing only 51.3% of the number of lots. These are: protection of critical infrastructure and energy facilities, urgent need, and the procurement of additional works under the main contract (up to 50%). The need to procure additional works indicates potential issues with the quality of project design and the accuracy of cost estimates at the planning stage, including owing to the complexity of such projects. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Direct contracts on grounds of absence of any tender submission are high in number but account for a relatively small share of value. Insufficient competition in this sector may point to potential barriers to participation — for example, excessive requirements in tender documentation — or to a limited pool of contractors. </span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/distribution_construction_works_en.html" width="100%" height="660" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><b>Steam, hot water, and associated products (09320000-8) </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">are characterized by a high share of procedures conducted on the ground of absence of competition on technical grounds. This is consistent with the nature of the market, where supply is often provided by local monopolies and the possibility of choosing an alternative supplier is limited.</span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/donut_heat_water_en.html" width="100%" height="490" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Although the categories </span><b>Electrical energy (09310000-5) </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">and </span><b>Distribution of electrical energy (65310000-9)</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> belong to the same sector, they exhibit a different structure of grounds for above-threshold direct awards. In electricity procurement as a commodity, one ground dominates by a wide margin (approximately 70%), both by value and by number of procedures — namely the conclusion of a contract with a supplier of last resort or a universal service provider. A significant share (21%) also relates to absence of competition on technical grounds and cancellation of tendering due to absence of tenders. This structure indicates that in this category the use of direct contracts is substantially dependent on the quality of procurement planning and the level of market activity among suppliers.</span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/infographic_electricity_en.html" width="100%" height="480" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">By contrast, electrical energy distribution services within a given territory are provided by a single distribution system operator, and tariffs are set by the state regulator. In these circumstances, the predominance of the ground “absence of competition on technical grounds” — 95.5% by number and 97.6% by value of contracts — is objective in nature and results from the natural monopoly position of the relevant operators. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Thus, despite their sectoral proximity, these two categories exhibit different models of non-competitive procurement and require different approaches to risk assessment.</span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/infographic_elecricity_distribution_en.html" width="100%" height="500" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since some of the grounds for above-threshold non-competitive procurement are tied to the subject matter of the procurement, the presence of certain categories at the top was expected — for example, natural gas or legal services. Overall, the bulk of above-threshold direct contracts relates to the procurement of various energy carriers. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In each category, a few principal grounds for direct contracts predominate. The choice of which to invoke may, however, be influenced by a variety of circumstances: technical constraints, absence of competitors, or urgent needs.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Contracting authorities do sometimes indicate incorrect grounds. For example, </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-05-29-006741-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">gaseous fuel</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was purchased under the </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-05-29-006741-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ground</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for the </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-05-29-006741-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">procurement of hematopoietic stem cells</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. At the same time, among contracts for natural gas with suppliers subject to public service obligations, contracts for the supply of gas to schools do appear. However, such instances were not sufficiently widespread to have a material effect on overall statistics by value.</span></p>
<p><b>Helicopters, airplanes, spacecraft, and other motor-powered aircraft (34710000-7):</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Procurements in this category are primarily directed at meeting the urgent needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine or are accounted for by contracting authorities located in areas of active hostilities.</span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/drones_infographic_eng.html" width="100%" height="480" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since some of the grounds for above-threshold non-competitive procurement are tied to the subject matter of the procurement, the presence of certain categories at the top was expected — for example, natural gas or legal services. Overall, the bulk of above-threshold direct contracts relates to the procurement of various energy carriers. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In each category, a few principal grounds for direct contracts predominate. The choice of which to invoke may, however, be influenced by a variety of circumstances: technical constraints, absence of competitors, or urgent needs.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Contracting authorities do sometimes indicate incorrect grounds. For example, </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-05-29-006741-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">gaseous fuel</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> was purchased under the </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-05-29-006741-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">ground</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for the </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-05-29-006741-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">procurement of hematopoietic stem cells</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. At the same time, among contracts for natural gas with suppliers subject to public service obligations, contracts for the supply of gas to schools do appear. However, such instances were not sufficiently widespread to have a material effect on overall statistics by value.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Monitoring of direct contracts</b></h2>
<p><b>The State Audit Service covered</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> 1,062 lots — </span><b>0.41% of above-threshold direct awards</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> conducted during the period under review — through monitoring. In competitive procurement, monitoring coverage is nearly seven times higher, at 2.73% of the total number of procurements eligible for monitoring. The same trend is observed in value terms: monitoring covers only </span><b>2.3% of the aggregate value of above-threshold direct award contracts</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, compared with 20.9% in the competitive segment. Even excluding the value of natural gas procurement within the Naftogaz group, as well as procurements from natural monopolies, suppliers of last resort, and universal service providers, coverage reaches only </span><b>5%</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the value of direct contracts. This gap relative to competitive procurement indicates that direct awards remain largely outside the monitoring focus. Yet they too require oversight, since they do not provide for competition or safeguards such as review before the AMCU. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The largest monitoring volumes relate to the construction sector (CPV 45) and the energy sector (CPV 09), where contract values run into the billions of hryvnias. Overall, </span><b>monitoring activity is concentrated in sectors with high financial exposure and an elevated risk</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of inefficient use of funds. Significant attention is also devoted to industrial machinery (CPV 42) and repair and maintenance services (CPV 50).</span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/audit_vs_purchases_en.html" width="100%" height="610" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, the top three sectors by number of monitoring instances include accommodation, catering, and retail trade services (CPV 55), with a combined value of over UAH 90 million. In 98% of cases, these involve catering services for educational establishments. Such procurements were monitored primarily by the directorates of the Western Office of the State Audit Service, in particular in Khmelnytskyi and Ternopil regions, where they were examined three times more frequently than construction procurements. Violations found under this CPV related predominantly to the failure to publish, or untimely publication of, the justification for the procurement ground. Accordingly, most monitoring instances resulted in auditors requiring explanatory work and training of authorized persons to be carried out.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, violations in above-threshold direct awards were identified by auditors during monitoring in 67.8% of cases. This figure is slightly higher than in competitive procurement, where it stands at 61.3%. While a gap of 6 percentage points is not critically large, it may indicate that direct non-competitive procurement carries elevated risks of non-compliance with legislation. It is important, however, to understand what types of violations auditors are actually identifying. Doing so comprehensively is difficult, since in the electronic field on Prozorro, the State Audit Service almost invariably classifies the type of violation as “Other violations of procurement legislation,” and details must be sought manually in the text of the audit finding. It would therefore be worthwhile to update the violation categories in the system and apply them consistently, so as to enable analysis of the problems arising in direct procurement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In summary, above-threshold direct awards warrant greater monitoring coverage. The State Audit Service generally selects sectors for monitoring well — concentrating on construction, energy, and related sectors, where procurement volumes are largest and corruption risks are highest. The Western Office&#8217;s excessive focus on catering service procurements for educational establishments is questionable. Such procurements are not particularly widespread, are comparatively small in value, and the violations associated with them largely concern failure to publish or untimely publication of information. The Office would therefore benefit from refining its methodology for selecting above-threshold direct awards for monitoring.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Contract modifications</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Modifications were made to contracts in 36,700 lots, representing over 14% of the total number of above-threshold direct award procurements. The aggregate value of modified contracts reached UAH 140 billion, or nearly 35% of the total value of all contracts in this segment. By comparison, in competitive procurement, modifications occurred more frequently: they affected 21.8% of lots and 44.7% of the total value of contracts over the corresponding period. The data indicate that while contract modifications in above-threshold direct awards are recorded less frequently than in competitive procurement, their financial scale remains significant. The majority of modified contracts relate to cases where the ground for using direct awards was absence of competition on technical grounds (41.81% of all modified contracts) or absence of tenders in open tendering (32.53% of all modified contracts). Their shares are high because these are overall the most common grounds for above-threshold direct awards. If one looks at what share of contracts were modified within each direct award ground, the leaders are as follows:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Procurement of natural gas by an entity subject to public service obligations — modifications in 38.34% of contracts (41.2% for Naftogaz group procurements specifically)</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Procurement of additional works or services from the same economic operator, up to 50% of the price of the previous/existing contract — 28.11% of contracts</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">No tender submitted — 25.38%.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In order to assess the justification for these modifications and the potential risk of abuse, it is necessary to conduct further in-depth analysis of their substance.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Comparison with the negotiated procedure </b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The negotiated procedure was abandoned in the first year of the full-scale invasion in favor of an even more flexible mechanism. Under Resolution No. 1178, the grounds for the negotiated procedure became the grounds for direct awards. In the early period, such changes may have been justified to meet the needs of contracting authorities, in particular for defense, energy, and critical infrastructure. However, this expansion of contracting authority discretion creates risks of manipulation and circumvention of competitive procedures, whereby a portion of procurements are concluded as direct contracts without adequate scrutiny of the grounds invoked.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over the comparable period from July 30, 2020, to September 30, 2021 — the years immediately preceding the full-scale invasion — contracting authorities conducted 100,600 </span><b>negotiated procedures</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, under which contracts totaling UAH 101.7 billion were concluded. This amounts to an average of </span><b>7,200 contracts per month valued at UAH 7.3 billion.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> This is considerably lower than the current figure — during the period under review, an average of 18,400 </span><b>above-threshold direct award contracts</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per month were concluded, </span><b>valued at UAH 28.7 billion.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> In other words, the number of such lots has more than doubled overall, and the contract volume has increased nearly fourfold. Two factors should of course be taken into account:</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">High inflation over recent years, and</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The increase in the number of grounds for above-threshold direct awards.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In both the negotiated procedure and the direct awards conducted under the wartime special rules, absence of competition on technical grounds remains the leading ground by number and by value of expenditure. Under the negotiated procedure, this ground accounts for nearly 52% of lots and over 50% of contract value. The same ground also ranks first in direct awards under the special rules — nearly 30% of contracts and 19% of total contract value. The list of the most common grounds under the negotiated procedure, which together account for 95.7% of contract value, is as follows: </span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Absence of competition on technical grounds — UAH 51.8 billion (50.9%) by contract value and 52% by number of lots.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">No tender submitted — UAH 21.4 billion (21%) and 30% of lots.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Need to carry out additional construction works — UAH 15.6 billion (15.3%) and 2.5% of lots.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Urgent need (across all sub-paragraphs of this ground in the Law) — UAH 6 billion (5.9%) and 3.9% of lots. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Need to protect intellectual property rights — UAH 2.6 billion (2.6%) and 2.2% of lots.</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">By type of procurement subject, the distribution in negotiated procedures is similar to that in direct contracts. The only material difference was in the value of goods and services. Previously they accounted for 37% and 48% of contract value respectively, whereas now goods take a larger share — 63% versus 20%. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The largest expenditure under the negotiated procedure was also concentrated in energy resources and construction. At that time, however, natural gas did not dominate contract values to nearly the same extent. Reporting on natural gas procurement within the Naftogaz group did not yet exist, and procurements from the supplier of last resort were also significantly smaller in volume.</span></p>
<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://zalievska-valeriia.github.io/infographics_direct_above-threshold/perehovorka_vs_nadporohy_en.html" width="100%" height="1000" frameborder="0"><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span><span data-mce-type="bookmark" style="display: inline-block; width: 0px; overflow: hidden; line-height: 0;" class="mce_SELRES_start">﻿</span></iframe></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Excluding gas procurement within the Naftogaz group, </span><b>grounds on which contracting authorities previously conducted the negotiated procedure currently account for 70.2% of the value of above-threshold direct awards.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> This means that a substantial share of the direct procurement market could potentially have been channeled through a more controlled procedure that ensures transparency and competitiveness.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The application of the negotiated procedure offers significant institutional advantages: it allows for consultations with several potential suppliers prior to contract conclusion and provides a mechanism for the review of decisions. Even where review is rare — occurring in fewer than 1% of cases — the very existence of this instrument has a deterrent effect and reduces the risk of non-competitive procurement, including procurement justified by an alleged absence of competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Reinstating the negotiated procedure can thus serve as an effective mechanism for enhancing transparency and minimizing risks in the direct award segment, where oversight and competition are currently limited.</span></p>
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<h2><b>Conclusions</b></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">From July 30, 2024 to September 30, 2025, contracting authorities concluded 257,000 above-threshold direct award contracts totaling UAH 401.7 billion. This represents approximately 6% of the total number of contracts in the system and nearly 28% of their aggregate value. While the number of such procurements is relatively modest, their financial scale is significant.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Nearly half of the total value (43.3%) of above-threshold direct awards relates to </span><b>natural gas procurement by a contracting authority on which the government has imposed public service obligations</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — that is, to reports on the sale of this commodity within the Naftogaz group. This raises the question of whether such reports on Prozorro are necessary at all: prior to 2023, they were not published.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A large volume of gas procurement — 8,700 contracts — is also concluded as direct awards following unsuccessful tendering. Contracting authorities succeeded in completing only 8.3% of such competitive procurements. </span><b>A solution must be developed with the involvement of both the Ministry of Economy and the Ministry of Energy</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, since a quasi-free gas market has now taken shape in public procurement: contracting authorities nominally have the option of purchasing from any supplier, but are in practice compelled to conduct fruitless tendering.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, the situation regarding non-competitive above-threshold procurement would be improved by </span><b>reinstating the negotiated procedure.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Excluding natural gas procurement within the Naftogaz group, approximately </span><b>70% of contract value</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> currently consists of procurement conducted on grounds for which the negotiated procedure was previously required. The negotiated procedure provides for consultations with several suppliers where possible, and for a review mechanism, both of which reduce the risk of infringements and inefficient decisions.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Particular attention should also be paid to procurement on grounds of urgent need — the use of this ground increases by approximately 50% toward the end of the budgetary year. It is therefore likely that a portion of such procurements are conducted not so much because of genuinely urgent circumstances as because of budgetary management challenges. This, however, requires further investigation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, it would be advisable to technically link, within Prozorro, unsuccessful open tendering to the subsequent non-competitive procurement conducted as a result of its cancellation. This would enhance the transparency of such procurement and improve oversight of contracting authorities&#8217; compliance with the terms of the original tender in the context of direct awards.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Direct awards can be retained as exceptions for circumstances arising specifically from martial law — for example, where a contracting authority is located in an area of active hostilities. At the same time, </span><b>a number of grounds should be reconsidered altogether</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — whether they are in fact necessary. Some grounds have been indicated in the system in only a handful or a few dozen procurements. It would also be appropriate to explore alternative procurement methods for the purchase of free legal aid services — for example, framework agreements. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For both the negotiated procedure and direct contracts to function effectively, it is </span><b>important to train contracting authorities</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — in particular on how best to determine the value of such contracts and select a supplier.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Finally, above-threshold direct awards are currently subject to monitoring at a rate seven times lower than competitive procurement — only 2.26% of value compared with 20.9%. They require greater oversight, with a focus on higher-value procurements and material violations. </span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This research was prepared within the framework of the “Digitalization for Growth, Integrity, and Transparency” (UK DIGIT) project, implemented by the Eurasia Foundation and funded by UK Dev.</span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">The research was produced with the financial support of the UK Government’s International Development Assistance Programme. The contents of this material are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Ukraine; the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Government of the United Kingdom.</span></i></p>
<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">This research was developed by</span></h2>
<p><strong>Team lead: </strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ivan Lakhtionov, Deputy Executive Director of TI Ukraine for Innovative Projects</span></p>
<p><strong>Authors of the research:</strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pavlo Dehtiariov, researcher of DOZORRO TI Ukraine project</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kateryna Rusina, Project Manager at DOZORRO</span></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/billions-outside-prozorro-an-analysis-of-the-grounds-for-applying-above-threshold-direct-awards/">Billions Outside Prozorro: An Analysis of the Grounds for Applying Above-Threshold Direct Awards</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Discrimination in Coal Procurement on Prozorro Market: How Widespread Is It?</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/discrimination-in-coal-procurement-on-prozorro-market-how-widespread-is-it/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Валерія Залевська]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2026 13:44:35 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=research&#038;p=32705</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>More than half (55%) of the hard coal procurements checked contained unlawful requirements to provide additional documents and set extremely short deadlines for their submission — conditions that are potentially discriminatory.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/discrimination-in-coal-procurement-on-prozorro-market-how-widespread-is-it/">Discrimination in Coal Procurement on Prozorro Market: How Widespread Is It?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Since participants have no avenue for challenging procurement on Prozorro Market, they seek any other means of protecting their rights. Including by approaching civil society organizations. Over the past year, our DOZORRO TI Ukraine project received numerous complaints regarding </span><b>potential discrimination in requests for proposals (RFPs)</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a significant share of which concerned the procurement of hard coal. In their draft contracts, contracting authorities imposed excessive quality requirements and demanded additional documents not provided by law. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We decided</span><b> to examine how widespread this practice is. We focused specifically on hard coal procurement </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">because</span><b>:</b></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">We received many complaints from participants about this category</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">This commodity has clear national quality standards, making it easier to establish whether requirements are excessive</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Coal procurement through Prozorro Market is not mandatory — contracting authorities have an alternative — so unlawful requirements cannot be justified by the constraints of the electronic catalog; and RFPs can here be compared against open tendering.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This approach allowed us to concentrate on a qualitative analysis of the terms and requirements imposed on suppliers without sacrificing the representativeness of the study. The problems </span><b>identified during this research are potentially not unique to this commodity group and may point to broader systemic challenges in the use of RFPs</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> that warrant further attention and analysis.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">SUMMARY</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">More than half (55%) of the hard coal procurements checked contained unlawful requirements to provide additional documents and set extremely short deadlines for their submission — conditions that are potentially discriminatory. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Draft contracts frequently also included provisions under which failure to submit documents within the short deadline was automatically treated as a written refusal to conclude a contract, resulting in the rejection of the tender and disqualification of the participant.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the representative sample, winning tenders in procurements with unlawful requirements and disqualifications were on average nearly 40% more expensive than the lowest-priced tenders that contracting authorities had rejected.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This practice demonstrates that the simplified RFP procedure sometimes fails to function as intended and partially undermines the logic of the electronic catalog as a fast and accessible procurement tool. To enhance transparency in Prozorro Market procurement, the DOZORRO TI Ukraine project recommends the following:</span></p>
<ol>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Closing the hard coal category in Prozorro Market.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Introducing a mechanism for challenging procurement requirements, which would give businesses a means of protecting their interests and could significantly reduce the risk of abuse. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Enabling monitoring of RFPs by the State Audit Service, to bring this procurement under oversight.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Granting the Ministry of Economy the authority to approve standard contracts for specific commodity categories, thereby simplifying their preparation and ensuring legislative compliance, and converting them into electronic contracts.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">As electronic contracting develops, introducing automated pre-screening of draft contracts in the electronic catalog that, upon detecting potentially unlawful language, would generate alerts for supervisory authorities.</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Developing guidance notes for authorized persons at contracting authorities, with recommendations on preparing and conducting procurement through the e-catalog.</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Together, these measures can make Prozorro Market procurement more transparent, predictable, and user-friendly for both contracting authorities and market participants.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What makes Prozorro Market procurement distinctive</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The specifics of procurement through the e-catalog (Prozorro Market) are governed by a separate </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/822-2020-%D0%BF#Text"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Procedure for the Formation and Use of the Electronic Catalog </span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">(the Procedure), approved by Cabinet of Ministers Resolution No. 822 of September 14, 2020. The core idea behind this method is to simplify and expedite procurement. Qualification — that is, the verification of supplier documents — is handled by the catalog administrator. </span><b>RFPs are not subject to auditor monitoring, and participants have no right to challenge</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> either the terms or the decisions of contracting authorities. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">An RFP is generated by completing electronic forms in which the contracting authority specifies a limited set of details: the name of the procurement item, estimated value, quantity, delivery period and location, payment terms, and the deadline for submitting price proposals. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When publishing an RFP, </span><b>a contracting authority may only specify information on the specifications of the goods and their permissible values within the item specification set by the catalog administrator.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The government recently amended the Procedure (</span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/33-2026-%D0%BF#n71"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Cabinet of Ministers Resolution No. 33 of 14 January 2026</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">), further specifying the list of details that may be indicated. It was clarified that, in addition to the information already mentioned, a contracting authority may specify the delivery terms, the amount, type, period, and conditions for providing and returning contract performance security (where it requires such security to be provided), as well as a requirement that the country of origin may not be the Russian Federation, the Republic of Belarus, or the Islamic Republic of Iran.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The draft contract, which forms part of the RFP, must not conflict with the information the contracting authority has entered in the electronic fields, and may contain other conditions that are provided for by law in respect of such a contract and that the contracting authority considers necessary for the performance of the contract during its term. </span><b>It is prohibited to include in an RFP requirements directed at the procurement participant or the selected winner, or to demand any additional documents not provided for by the Procedure.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> This is a prerequisite for the transparency of such procurement and allows potential suppliers to properly assess its terms and make an informed decision on whether to participate.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Hard coal procurement through RFPs</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This study focuses on CPV class &#8220;Solid fuels&#8221; (code 09110000-3), with an additional targeted sample specifically of hard coal procurements conducted through RFPs on Prozorro Market. For the analysis, we selected procurements announced between September 1, 2024, and September 30, 2025. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The total number of lots included in the analysis is </span><b>858.</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For coal procurement, contracting authorities opt for the RFP method twice as often as for open tendering — Prozorro Market accounts for about 64% of such lots. The estimated value of RFP-based procurements is also twice as high, representing 62% of the value of competitive coal orders. Significantly more participants come forward for Prozorro Market procurements — an average of 6.58, compared with 2.04 in open tendering. However, the number of disqualifications is also much higher. </span></p>
<div class="flourish-embed flourish-chart" data-src="visualisation/28333125"><script src="https://public.flourish.studio/resources/embed.js"></script><noscript><img decoding="async" src="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28333125/thumbnail" width="100%" alt="chart visualization" /></noscript></div>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Where contracting authorities reject 16.5% of tenders in open tendering, the corresponding figure in RFPs is approximately 55%. It is important to note in this context that in open tendering, approximately 22% of lots are accompanied by complaints, which underscores the significance of the review mechanism as an instrument for overseeing the transparency and openness of procurement.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">All profiles in the coal category on Prozorro Market now require goods to comply with the </span><a href="https://ksv.do.am/GOST/DSTY_ALL/DSTY1/dsty_7146-2010.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">DSTU 7146:2010</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> standard (the Standard). Under the Standard: </span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>When concluding a coal supply contract</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for household needs, a certificate of genetic, technological, and quality characteristics must be presented (clause 7.10). In practice, however, </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">the application of this provision of the Standard creates a conflict in law enforcement, since the Procedure expressly prohibits the demand for any additional documents under the RFP. </span></i></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">A coal consignment is considered accepted for dispatch once a composite commercial sample has been taken from it in accordance with DSTU 4096 and a quality certificate has been issued (clause 7.3). Accordingly, this certificate may be requested </span><b>at the time of delivery</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The requirement to provide these additional documents occasionally appears in lot notes — in 6% of procurements. These are optional fields in which contracting authorities may include supplementary information about the procurement — for example, drawing potential suppliers&#8217; attention to terms of particular importance to them. However, in addition to established documents, contracting authorities in 1.4% of lots also required additional documents not covered by the Standard. Notes carry no legal force, but this already reveals at this stage that some contracting authorities conducting coal procurement tend to impose excessive requirements on potential bidders that are not provided for by law.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Additional requirements in draft contracts </span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For the detailed analysis, we randomly selected 270 lots from the full dataset of 858. The sample was calculated using a 95% confidence interval and a 5% margin of error. The sample is therefore representative and reflects the overall picture of coal procurement through Prozorro Market.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under the legislation in force at the time of the procurements under review, an RFP must not contain requirements directed at the supplier or any documents not provided for by the Procedure. In the draft contract, as elsewhere, a contracting authority may specify only information on the characteristics of the goods and their permissible values within the item specification set by the administrator.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Standard does not require any documents to be provided in respect of coal other than the certificate of genetic, technological, and quality characteristics at contract signing, and the quality certificate for the coal consignment at delivery. Accordingly, </span><b>only the certificate of genetic, technological, and quality characteristics and contract performance security in the form of a bank guarantee may lawfully be required at the contract conclusion stage</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (</span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/922-19#Text:~:text=%D0%A1%D1%82%D0%B0%D1%82%D1%82%D1%8F%2027.,%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B5%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%8F%20%D1%81%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%BE%D1%89%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BE%D1%97%20%D0%B7%D0%B0%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BF%D1%96%D0%B2%D0%BB%D1%96."><span style="font-weight: 400;">Article 27(1) of the Law on Public Procurement</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). The right to require a bank guarantee is now also expressly provided for in the </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/33-2026-%D0%BF#n71:~:text=%D0%94%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE%D0%B2%D1%96%D1%80%20%D0%BC%D0%BE%D0%B6%D0%B5%20%D0%BC%D1%96%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%B8%20%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%BC%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%B8%20%D1%89%D0%BE%D0%B4%D0%BE%20%D0%B7%D0%B0%D0%B1%D0%B5%D0%B7%D0%BF%D0%B5%D1%87%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%8F%20%D0%B9%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE%20%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%8F."><span style="font-weight: 400;">amended Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — the contracting authority may specify in the draft contract the amount, type, period, and conditions for providing and returning such security. </span><b>Any other</b> <b>documents demanded from participants or the selected winner that are not provided for by law are unlawful</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The findings, however, point to systematic non-compliance with these requirements. The documents most frequently demanded by contracting authorities in draft coal supply contracts were as follows.</span></p>
<div class="flourish-embed flourish-chart" data-src="visualisation/28345409"><script src="https://public.flourish.studio/resources/embed.js"></script><noscript><img decoding="async" src="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28345409/thumbnail" width="100%" alt="chart visualization" /></noscript></div>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, </span><b>55% of draft contracts</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (148)</span><b> in the sample contained requirements to provide additional documents not provided for by either the Procedure or the Standard.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> In isolated cases, these were manifestly excessive and included documents with no functional connection to the subject matter of the procurement — for example, a certificate of proficiency in the state language, copies of the coal producer&#8217;s financial statements for prior years, or an expert market assessment. In the majority of procurements, however, the violations consisted in requirements to provide documents that formally relate to the supplier&#8217;s operations but do not affect the physical or quality characteristics of the goods and are not provided for by law, in particular, quality management system certificates, proof of experience in performing similar contracts, or extraction permits. This points to a </span><b>systemic and uncontrolled expansion of supplier requirements.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> A full list of documents whose provision was recorded in the study is available via the table </span><a href="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28345505/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">at the</span></a> <a href="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/28345505/"><span style="font-weight: 400;">link</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In practice, contracting authorities are using the </span><b>draft contract as a tool for introducing additional barriers to participation</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — contrary to the simplified nature of the RFP procedure and creating disproportionate and discriminatory conditions for suppliers. This eliminates competition, impedes access for bona fide participants, and undermines the logic of the e-catalog as a fast and transparent procurement tool.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">When additional documents must be submitted</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The review of draft contract terms also revealed that</span><b> in 52% (141) of procurements, contracting authorities set extremely short deadlines — </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">between 1 and 48 hours</span><b> — for submitting an additional, sometimes excessive, list of documents required for contract conclusion.</b></p>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Such tight timeframes </span><b>place suppliers</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> on an </span><b>unequal footing</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, functioning as a barrier and a covert mechanism for selecting a predetermined winner while screening out those objectively unable to meet the requirements in time.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In this context, it is important to determine from what moment the clock actually starts running. The analysis shows that contracting authorities </span><b>use one of two reference points</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">: </span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">the </span><b>opening of proposals</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which virtually coincides with the submission deadline;</span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">the </span><b>determination of the selected winner</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> (receipt of an automated system notification).</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">When publishing an RFP, a contracting authority may set the proposal submission deadline at its own discretion, subject to the minimum requirements of </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/822-2020-%D0%BF/print#:~:text=57.%20%D0%97%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%BA%20%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE%D0%BB%D0%BE%D1%88%D1%83%D1%94,%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BA%D1%82%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%96%D0%B9%20%D1%81%D0%B8%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B5%D0%BC%D1%96%20%D0%B7%D0%B0%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BF%D1%96%D0%B2%D0%B5%D0%BB%D1%8C)."><span style="font-weight: 400;">clause 57 of the Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> — the deadline may not be less than two working days from the date of publication. Formally, this requirement may be satisfied even where the deadline falls on late evening, midnight, or a weekend. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Particular concern is raised by the </span><b>combination of nighttime proposal openings and extremely short deadlines</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. In 25% of lots with short deadlines, suppliers are given between 1 and 4 hours to provide additional documents after the opening of proposals or the determination of the winner. In half of those cases, the proposal submission deadline and automatic opening fall between 11:00 p.m. and 01:00 a.m. compelling suppliers to submit documents during nighttime hours when most responsible personnel are unavailable. </span></p>
<p><b>As regards the moment of determining the selected winner</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, under </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/822-2020-%D0%BF/ed20240120#Text:~:text=61.%20%D0%9E%D1%86%D1%96%D0%BD%D0%BA%D0%B0%20%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%B8%D1%86%D1%96%D0%B9,%D0%BD%D0%B0%D0%B9%D0%BC%D0%B5%D0%BD%D1%83%D0%B2%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%8F%20%D1%82%D0%B0%20%D0%BC%D1%96%D1%81%D1%86%D0%B5%D0%B7%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%85%D0%BE%D0%B4%D0%B6%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%8F."><span style="font-weight: 400;">clauses 61–62 of the Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the winner is determined automatically upon expiry of the submission deadline and evaluation by the electronic system. </span><b>In practice, however, this long remained in a gray area</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, with two competing interpretations: immediately upon opening of proposals, or upon the contracting authority&#8217;s confirmation. This has now been resolved. Under the amended </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/822-2020-%D0%BF#Text:~:text=%D0%97%D0%B0%20%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%B7%D1%83%D0%BB%D1%8C%D1%82%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%B8%20%D0%BE%D1%86%D1%96%D0%BD%D0%BA%D0%B8%20%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BA%D1%82%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%BD%D0%BE%D1%8E,%D0%B2%20%D0%B5%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BA%D1%82%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%BD%D1%96%D0%B9%20%D1%81%D0%B8%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B5%D0%BC%D1%96%20%D0%B7%D0%B0%D0%BA%D1%83%D0%BF%D1%96%D0%B2%D0%B5%D0%BB%D1%8C."><span style="font-weight: 400;">clause 62</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the contracting authority determines the winner and records its intention to conclude a contract in a protocol that is automatically generated and published in the system. Notification of intent is sent automatically within one day of publication. The start of the compliance period is therefore now more transparent and clear to all suppliers.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Even so, where contracting authorities indicated that the winner would be determined &#8220;upon receipt of a system notification,&#8221; the combination of short deadlines and uncertainty about when that notification would arrive created additional pressure. Winners were compelled to await confirmation without being able to predict the precise start of the compliance period, making timely preparation of documents more difficult. In any case, requirements to provide excessive or unlawfully demanded documents remained unlawful regardless of how that moment was defined. </span></p>
<p><b>Imposing additional requirements through the draft contract not only constitutes a procedural violation but also contradicts the fundamental principles of contract law and public procurement.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> Contract terms apply only to the parties that have actually concluded the contract. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Equally legally incorrect is the widespread practice of including provisions such as:</span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> &#8220;In the event that the Contracting Authority is not provided with such documents (as defined in the draft contract), the Contracting Authority shall treat this as a written refusal by the participant to sign the contract, and shall accordingly reject such participant&#8217;s proposal pursuant to subclause 2 of clause 64 of Cabinet of Ministers Resolution No. 822 of September 14, 2020.&#8221;</span></i></p>
<p><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/822-2020-%D0%BF/print#:~:text=3)%20%D0%BF%D0%B8%D1%81%D1%8C%D0%BC%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%BE%20%D0%B2%D1%96%D0%B4%D0%BC%D0%BE%D0%B2%D0%B8%D0%B2%D1%81%D1%8F,%D0%B4%D0%BD%D1%8F%20%D0%B9%D0%BE%D0%B3%D0%BE%20%D0%BF%D1%80%D0%B8%D0%B9%D0%BD%D1%8F%D1%82%D1%82%D1%8F."><span style="font-weight: 400;">Subclause 3 of clause 64 of the Procedure</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> provides as a ground for rejection only the selected winner&#8217;s written refusal to sign the contract. </span><a href="https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/435-15#n1156:~:text=%D0%A1%D1%82%D0%B0%D1%82%D1%82%D1%8F%20207.,%D0%BD%D0%B5%20%D0%BF%D0%B5%D1%80%D0%B5%D0%B4%D0%B1%D0%B0%D1%87%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%BE%20%D0%B7%D0%B0%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%BC."><span style="font-weight: 400;">Under Article 207 of the Civil Code</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">a legal transaction is considered to have been effected in writing if its content is recorded in document(s) exchanged by the parties, including through information and communication systems.</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> A refusal to conclude a contract has legal force only if made in writing by a person with authority to sign it — the selected winner, not merely a procurement participant — and communicated to the other party. </span><b>The failure of a participant or winner to take certain actions or submit documents, even if such actions are provided for in the draft contract, cannot therefore be treated as a written refusal to sign.</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Such conditions create fertile ground for abuse. Formal procedural compliance combined with additional barriers at the contract conclusion stage creates the appearance of competitive tendering while in practice restricting participation to a narrow pool of suppliers who, in certain cases, may be connected, resulting in procurement at inflated prices and inefficient use of public funds.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For example, in February 2025, a gymnasium in Kirovohrad Region </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2025-02-26-011704-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">procured three types of coal.</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> The draft contract required participants to submit over a dozen documents — including an underground mining permit and financial statements — within 24 hours of the opening of proposals. The contracting authority rejected 8 out of 9 proposals and concluded a contract at the highest price of UAH 299,700, while the lowest offer was UAH 182,000. In another case, the Vanchykivtsi Village Council&#8217;s coal </span><a href="https://prozorro.gov.ua/uk/tender/UA-2024-11-11-008193-a"><span style="font-weight: 400;">procurement</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> required a set of documents within 24 hours of the winner being determined. According to suppliers, proposals were rejected even where the documents were submitted. The contracting authority rejected 8 out of 9 proposals and concluded a contract for nearly UAH 2.6 million, against a lowest tender of UAH 1.5 million. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Overall, in the analyzed sample, the gap between the lowest and winning tenders in procurements with unlawful requirements or short deadlines amounted to UAH 28.5 million — contracts ended up costing nearly 40% more than they could have.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Such violations have already drawn the attention of law enforcement and courts. A number of criminal proceedings have been opened for misappropriation of public funds in RFP procedures (case numbers </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/130498953"><span style="font-weight: 400;">42024222140000071</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/128549075"><span style="font-weight: 400;">12025082210000241</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">, </span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/129000685"><span style="font-weight: 400;">12025160000000217</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">). A court judgment has also been handed down (</span><a href="https://reyestr.court.gov.ua/Review/131163449"><span style="font-weight: 400;">No. 573/1300/25</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">) finding that the contracting authority&#8217;s actions — in particular, setting a 1-hour deadline for an excessive list of documents — resulted in the rejection of the majority of economically advantageous proposals, contract conclusion at an inflated price, and inefficient use of public funds.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As part of the study, we </span><b>spoke with suppliers</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> about their direct experience practice of applying additional requirements and barriers at different stages of procurement. Some noted that in most procurements with additional requirements, contracting authorities either tailor conditions to a specific supplier or mechanically copy draft contracts from other RFPs. They also noted that contracting authorities sometimes justify excessive requirements by the desire to minimize their own risk in connection with potential post-delivery inspections. One supplier reported instances of pressure from competitors filing complaints with law enforcement, after which contracting authorities are required to justify the price-to-quality ratio of the coal delivered. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We also approached individual </span><b>contracting authorities</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for their perspective. Most said the primary purpose of such measures is to &#8220;play it safe&#8221; against the risk of receiving low-quality coal mid-heating-season or dealing with unreliable suppliers or fraudsters. They noted that even where contractual penalties exist, they often lack the resources for lengthy court proceedings. Regrettably, some contracting authorities, when their attention was drawn to potential violations, responded dismissively or claimed not to recall the details. It is also worth noting that some contracting authorities interpret certain legislative provisions at their own discretion — for example, taking the view that requiring documents and contract signature within 24 hours does not conflict with the statutory five-calendar-day deadline for concluding a contract.</span></p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">Conclusions</span></h2>
<p><b>55% of RFPs for coal procurement contain requirements to provide documents not provided for by law, and </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">52%</span><b> set short submission deadlines.</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">In the representative sample, winning tenders in procurements with unlawful requirements and disqualifications were on average</span><b> nearly 40% more expensive than the rejected </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">lowest-priced tenders</span><b>.</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">These statistics relate exclusively to coal category procurements, not to all RFPs on Prozorro Market. The situation may vary by commodity, and there may be categories where this problem is not systemic. The study does, however, identify specific vulnerabilities in the RFP process and illustrates the potential scale of problems in certain categories.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><b>The most effective remedy would be a review mechanism in Prozorro Market</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, currently being developed under the draft new Law on Public Procurement. However, that process is lengthy and the new mechanism will not cover all RFP-based procurements. </span></li>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">The situation of unlawful rejections on grounds of alleged refusal to sign would improve with </span><b>e-contracting</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, which is also yet to come. But these need not be the only solutions. </span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is therefore worth introducing a range of additional instruments to reduce abuse risks, enhance legal certainty, and strengthen contracting authority capacity.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Enable monitoring of RFPs by the State Audit Service.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The State Audit Service does not currently monitor RFPs. Whether it has the legal authority to do so is disputed due to ambiguous wording in the procurement rules. It would therefore be advisable either to confirm formally that monitoring is permitted or to amend the legislation accordingly. Even selective monitoring and sanctioning of individual violators can deter future violations.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Develop and introduce standard contracts.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The e-catalog currently has no mandatory contract templates for commodity categories, and the Ministry of Economy lacks the authority to approve them. The Ministry should be granted that authority and standard contracts approved that set out the permissible terms for coal procurement, leaving contracting authorities to fill in only the key parameters — delivery and payment terms and quantity. This would unify procurement terms, ensure legislative compliance, and simplify preparation without restricting contracting authorities from reflecting their specific needs. These should subsequently be introduced as e-contracts.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Close the hard coal category in Prozorro Market.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Given that over 50% of procurements in this category contained unlawful requirements, coal procurement through RFPs should be restricted. Procurement would then take place through a method under which businesses may challenge discriminatory requirements and auditors may carry out monitoring. </span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Develop and introduce universal guidance notes for procurement through the electronic catalog.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Such notes will help authorized persons conduct RFPs correctly, apply legislative provisions accurately, and avoid excessive or discriminatory conditions — contributing to more transparent, predictable, and high-quality catalog procurement.</span></p>
<ul>
<li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">As electronic contracting develops, introduce automated pre-screening of draft contracts in the e-catalog as a risk indicator for supervisory authorities.</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"><br />
</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">The algorithm could detect keywords and language conflicting with legislation and the Procedure — such as &#8220;certificate,&#8221; &#8220;declaration,&#8221; &#8220;permit,&#8221; &#8220;within X hours of the opening of tenders.&#8221; Where such indicators are found, the system could generate risk signals or reports for supervisory authorities. This will become technically feasible only once electronic contracting is in place, as the system currently cannot automatically read and analyze file contents.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">These recommendations will help eliminate one method of circumventing the rules in coal procurement and more broadly improve the efficiency and transparency of RFP-based procurement. Efforts must also continue to find approaches that allow contracting authorities to minimize the risk of receiving substandard goods, while protecting bona fide participants from artificially created obstacles and bad-faith practices.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This research was made possible with the support of the MATRA program of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine. Responsibility for the content lies with the author and does not necessarily reflect the official position of the Embassy.</span></i></p>
<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">This research was developed by</span></h2>
<p><strong>Team lead: </strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ivan Lakhtionov, Deputy Executive Director of TI Ukraine for Innovative Projects</span></p>
<p><strong>Authors of the research:</strong></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Viktoriia Hermasheva, Projects Assistant, TI Ukraine</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kateryna Rusina, Project Manager at DOZORRO </span></p>
</div>
</div>
<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/research/discrimination-in-coal-procurement-on-prozorro-market-how-widespread-is-it/">Discrimination in Coal Procurement on Prozorro Market: How Widespread Is It?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>The Illicit Enrichment Article: History, Challenges, and Results</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-illicit-enrichment-article-history-challenges-and-results/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2026 12:08:47 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32665</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>It has been over six years since the Criminal Code was updated to include the illicit enrichment article. Since then, virtually no senior official has ended up behind bars.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-illicit-enrichment-article-history-challenges-and-results/">The Illicit Enrichment Article: History, Challenges, and Results</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">It has been over six years since the Criminal Code was updated to include the illicit enrichment article. Since then, the number of criminal proceedings in this category has grown — yet virtually no senior official has ended up behind bars.</span></i></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Does this point to a broader failure of the judicial system, or does the problem lie in the legislation itself, or perhaps in other factors? How does the illicit enrichment statute actually work, and what shapes its effectiveness? Our Senior Legal Advisor Pavlo Demchuk addressed these questions and more in a</span><a href="https://24tv.ua/nezakonne-zbagachennya-chomu-nemaye-sudovih-virokiv-za-statteyu_n3015766"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">comment</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for Channel 24.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Among other things, he drew attention to the peculiarities of the article&#8217;s first version, which lawmakers attempted to introduce over a decade ago. At the time, it essentially duplicated the existing offense of “bribe-taking” — though that hardly mattered in practice, since that version never actually took effect. It was postponed repeatedly, abolished under Yanukovych, and then reinstated after the Revolution of Dignity in a new form that genuinely addressed illicit enrichment. It was in that post-Maidan period, following the creation of the NABU and the SAPO, that the first suspicion notices under this article were issued.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In February 2019, however, the norm was ruled unconstitutional. On this point, our expert notes the lack of unanimity within the Constitutional Court and cites dissenting opinions from individual judges — including Vasyl Lemak, who believed his colleagues could have grounded their ruling differently. By the autumn of that same year, a new version of the article had been adopted, and it remains in force to this day.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">That said, the HACC has handed down effectively only two verdicts since then, and both were concluded through plea agreements. One of them involves former MP Iryna Kormyshkina, who was found guilty of illicit enrichment, among other charges. The verdict itself remains classified under the terms of the deal. Still, from public statements by prosecutors, it is known that the court ordered her to transfer UAH 20 million to the state and an additional 2 million to the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In essence, what is at stake here is a balance between a defendant&#8217;s desire for a reduced sentence and society&#8217;s expectation of receiving something in return.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;"><strong>It should also be noted separately that the absence of custodial sentences is less a systemic failure than a reflection of the internal logic of criminal procedure.</strong> Moreover, it is worth bearing in mind that electronic asset declarations — one of the key forms of evidence in illicit enrichment cases — were suspended following the start of the full-scale invasion. The true measure of the article&#8217;s effectiveness, therefore, is not the number of convictions, but the consistency of its application over time.</span></p>
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			            	The absence of custodial sentences is less a systemic failure than a reflection of the internal logic of criminal procedure.
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</p></div>
<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-illicit-enrichment-article-history-challenges-and-results/">The Illicit Enrichment Article: History, Challenges, and Results</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>International Members Appointed to SAPO Selection Commission</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/international-members-appointed-to-sapo-selection-commission/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2026 09:36:42 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32668</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Prosecutor General has formed the Selection Commission to select the leadership of the SAPO, appointing three additional members nominated by international and foreign organizations.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/international-members-appointed-to-sapo-selection-commission/">International Members Appointed to SAPO Selection Commission</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko has formed the Selection Commission to select the leadership of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor&#8217;s Office (SAPO), appointing three additional members nominated by international and foreign organizations.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The appointees are:</span></p>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Martin Ortner — Chief Public Prosecutor, Austrian Economic and Corruption Prosecutor&#8217;s Office</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Laura Oana Stefan — Anti-corruption expert, former department director at the Romanian Ministry of Justice, and international expert with the European Commission and the Council of Europe on the rule of law</span></li>
<li>Jens Madsen — Special Advisor at Plesner (Denmark&#8217;s leading law firm), former head of the Danish State Prosecution Service for Serious Economic and International Crime and the Danish Security and Intelligence Service.</li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The participation of international members in SAPO selection commissions serves as an important safeguard for the independence of the process. At the same time, </span><b>the quality of the commission&#8217;s work depends on the collective performance of all its members — both international and national</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In January 2026, TI Ukraine drew attention to concerns over the composition of the commission with respect to its Ukrainian members. In particular, the organization</span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/ti-ukraine-calls-for-revising-the-composition-of-the-sapo-selection-commission/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">called on</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> the Prosecutor General to reconsider the appointment of attorney Oleksii Shevchuk, citing circumstances that call into question his compliance with the criteria of impeccable reputation and integrity.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Kravchenko</span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/18cbn3Z86y/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">responded</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> to that call by stating that he lacks the authority to alter the composition of the competition commission. Shevchuk remains on the commission.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition to Oleksii Shevchuk, the national portion of the selection commission also includes:</span></p>
<ul>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Iryna Horban — Head of Division at the Prosecutor General&#8217;s Office</span></li>
<li><span style="font-weight: 400;">Serhiy Shmalenia — Deputy Head of Department at the Prosecutor General&#8217;s Office</span><b>.</b></li>
</ul>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This competition concerns, among other positions, the role of Deputy Head of the SAPO. Andrii Syniuk, who held that position, resigned in November 2025 following the</span><a href="https://suspilne.media/1170360-zastupnik-prokurora-sap-sinuk-zvilnivsa-za-vlasnim-bazannam/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">negative publicity</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> surrounding Operation Midas. The Deputy Head of the anti-corruption prosecutor&#8217;s office assumes leadership of the institution in the event of the Head&#8217;s absence or termination of powers — a position on which SAPO&#8217;s operational capacity to investigate high-level corruption directly depends.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">TI Ukraine continues to monitor the competition process and calls for full transparency and adherence to the highest standards of integrity.</span></p>
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			            	The quality of the commission&#8217;s work depends on the collective performance of all its members — both international and national.
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/international-members-appointed-to-sapo-selection-commission/">International Members Appointed to SAPO Selection Commission</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>The ARMA Competition Will Continue — With One Catch</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-arma-competition-will-continue-with-one-catch/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[TI Ukraine]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 25 Mar 2026 16:45:11 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=news&#038;p=32650</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The selection commission for the head of the ARMA has announced the results of the cognitive ability test: only one candidate passed — Viktor Dubovyk.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-arma-competition-will-continue-with-one-catch/">The ARMA Competition Will Continue — With One Catch</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The selection commission for the head of the ARMA has announced the results of the cognitive ability test: only one candidate passed — Viktor Dubovyk, who heads the Directorate for Legal Policy at the Office of the President.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This second mandatory stage — the general aptitude assessment — is required under the competition procedures. The test covers three components: verbal reasoning, abstract-logical thinking, and mathematics. The minimum passing score is 107 out of 145. <b>Only one of the thirteen candidates (another failed to appear) who successfully passed the legal knowledge test cleared this threshold. </b></span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The passing score and the nature of the test itself are identical to those used in previous comparable competitions — for example, those held to select the heads of the ESBU and the Customs Service. However, the number of specialists who came forward for the ARMA competition was far smaller than in those cases. Even before the testing began, the selection commission had already extended the application deadline in an attempt to attract a larger pool of candidates and ensure a meaningful selection process. In the end, just fifteen applicants were admitted to the first round of testing.</span></p>
<p><b>The commission has decided to press ahead with the competition. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">Halting the process at this stage without legally prescribed grounds would, on the contrary, create considerably greater risks of a legal challenge from the one candidate who has cleared every required hurdle. The competition, therefore, must go on.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">“Yes, it may look unusual — a competition with effectively a single candidate remaining. But under current legislation, the commission simply has no other option. And this is the first time something like this has happened in the history of such competitions.</span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the same time, it is yet another signal of a systemic problem: the number and caliber of candidates for positions like this are raising questions with increasing frequency.</span></i></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Still ahead are a practical assignment, an integrity assessment, a special vetting procedure under anti-corruption legislation, and an interview,” </span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;">said</span> <b>Andrii Borovyk</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, Executive Director of Transparency International Ukraine.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Only upon successfully completing all remaining stages can a candidate be included in a nomination for appointment. </span><span style="font-weight: 400;">Should a candidate be disqualified, the commission is required to hold a fresh competition from the start.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The Commission noted that the results of the cognitive ability test could be appealed until 6:00 PM on March 27.</span></p>
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			            	At the same time, it is yet another signal of a systemic problem: the number and caliber of candidates for positions like this are raising questions with increasing frequency.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Andrii Borovyk
			            </p>
</p></div>
</p></div>
</p></div>
<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/the-arma-competition-will-continue-with-one-catch/">The ARMA Competition Will Continue — With One Catch</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Selecting Judges for the HACC: Interviews in Review</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Андрій Боровик]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 24 Mar 2026 10:57:31 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=blog&#038;p=32648</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Twenty-two new judges for the HACC — that is the outcome of the candidate interview stage, conducted jointly by international experts and the judicial qualification commission. Here is a closer look at what those aspiring to take a seat on the bench were actually asked.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/">Selecting Judges for the HACC: Interviews in Review</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">Twenty-two new judges for the High Anti-Corruption Court — that is the </span></i><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/news/hacc-2-0-competition-results-that-will-determine-justice-quality-for-years/"><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">outcome of the candidate interview stage</span></i></a><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">, conducted jointly by international experts and the judicial qualification commission. Here is a closer look at what those aspiring to take a seat on the bench were actually asked.</span></i></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What is the selection process about?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Before we knew it, the most intensive phase of the competition for HACC judgeships had come to a close: interviews with candidates conducted by the Public Council of International Experts (PCIE) and the High Qualifications Commission of Judges (HQCJ). Over the course of more than four weeks, they held 69 interviews. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Candidates were questioned about their assets, prior rulings, professional accomplishments, their motivation for joining the HACC, any travel to Russia or temporarily occupied territories, plagiarism in academic work, and much more. I covered the key moments from the first two weeks of interviews in an </span><a href="https://www.liga.net/ua/society/opinion/reputatsiia-pid-mikroskopom-iak-kandydaty-do-vaks-dovodiat-svoiu-dobrochesnist"><span style="font-weight: 400;">earlier piece</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As a reminder, the competition is being held to fill 23 vacant positions — 13 in the HACC&#8217;s court of first instance and 10 in its Appeals Chamber. This is already the second selection round: the process launched in 2023 yielded only two successful candidates out of 25 openings. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It is worth noting that the involvement of international experts provided an additional guarantee of transparency and impartiality. Equally important was the close collaboration between the PCIE and the HQCJ, as well as the active participation of civil society and international partners. The interviews were genuinely grounded in thorough analysis of candidates&#8217; biographies, financial disclosures, and a range of other matters. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It should also be noted that under Ukraine&#8217;s obligations within the </span><a href="https://www.ukrainefacility.me.gov.ua/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/plan-ukraine-facility.pdf"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Ukraine Facility</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> plan, the country must appoint at least 20 judges. The number of candidates who advanced past the interview stage is sufficient for Ukraine to meet that commitment.</span></p>
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			            	It should also be noted that under Ukraine&#8217;s obligations within the Ukraine Facility plan, the country must appoint at least 20 judges. The number of candidates who advanced past the interview stage is sufficient for Ukraine to meet that commitment.
			            </p>
<p>
			            	Andrii Borovyk
			            </p>
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">What were candidates asked about?</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Over the final two and a half weeks, PCIE and HQCJ members conducted 36 interviews. The participation of two candidates — Maksym Hloba and Stanislav Nesterenko — was terminated by the commission. So what were the most notable lines of questioning?</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Bitcoin, solar panels, and billion-hryvnia businesses</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Assets, business interests, and automobiles dominated the experts&#8217; questions. </span><b>Ihor Omelian</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a lecturer at the International European University, was asked about companies in which he appeared as a co-founder: Podil Agro Invest LLC (with a charter capital of UAH 4.2 billion, of which UAH 1.4 billion belonged to the candidate) and Sea Investment Group LLC (with a charter capital of UAH 560 million, of which UAH 140 million was his share). Omelian claimed he had voluntarily withdrawn from both ventures due to their failure, walking away from his billion-hryvnia stakes without complaint.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Curiously, Omelian appeared to be trying to impress the PCIE and HQCJ with a display of integrity, noting that he could have omitted a property from his declaration since it “wasn&#8217;t even in the registry” and no one would have noticed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another business arrangement that drew the panel&#8217;s attention was the solar panel operation of attorney </span><b>Volodymyr Bubleinyk</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">. Through the sale of electricity under a green energy tariff, he managed to earn half a million euros — while the seven buildings used to house the panels had been transferred to him free of charge by the local municipal council. He explained that the properties had no market value and that the council&#8217;s motivation was to boost budget revenues and promote renewable energy development.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Attorney </span><b>Olena Roik</b><span style="font-weight: 400;"> faced extensive questioning about the origins of her assets — most notably, the lack of documentation for the purchase of two bitcoins she allegedly sold in 2021 for $155,000, without paying taxes. She claimed to have subsequently lent that money to a friend, and had to take legal action to recover it. Also raising eyebrows was the purchase of an Aston Martin for UAH 14 million in 2025 — a sum far exceeding her declared income. Roik described the car as a particular way of “storing cash” accumulated through savings, an inheritance, and a loan. When asked about the ethics of purchasing a luxury vehicle just one month before the competition, she responded with confidence: she was “not ashamed” of her declaration and considered herself “modest.”</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Searches in the Court Decisions Registry</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission also continued probing candidates about searches of restricted personal information — their own or that of close associates — conducted through full-access mode in the Unified State Register of Court Decisions, information they could have exploited for personal gain. The explanations varied. </span><b>Tetiana Troian</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Sosnivskyi District Court in Cherkasy, admitted to conducting such searches in order to monitor potential debt collection proceedings initiated by a bank. </span></p>
<p><b>Yuliia Retynska</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Zavodskyi District Court in Zaporizhzhia, attributed the searches to a technical mix-up between browser tabs with different access levels during her work. She separately confirmed that she had shared information about the criminal liability of a friend&#8217;s ex-husband, insisting she had only disclosed data from open cases. The commission apparently found these explanations satisfactory — Retynska advanced to the next stage.</span></p>
<p><b>Ihor Chaikin</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Pokrovskyi District Court in Kryvyi Rih, explained that he had searched for himself and close relatives on over 100 occasions while preparing documents for various competitions, to verify information about any potential criminal proceedings or court summons. The PCIE and HQCJ found this sufficient grounds to pass him through as well.</span></p>
<p><b>Oleksandr Leonov</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Khadzhybeiskyi District Court of Odesa, additionally reported that his profile had been accessed without authorization, resulting in nearly 1,000 queries.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">The charitable attorneys</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">During one interview, a PCIE expert could not help but remark that Ukraine, unlike most other countries, appears to have an unusually widespread practice of attorneys providing their services free of charge. The pattern surfaced, for example, during the interview with </span><b>Oleksandr Zavhorodnii</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, who — despite having no declared income in 2015–2017 and 2020–2021, and having relocated from occupied territory — continued offering his legal services at no cost. </span></p>
<p><b>Ivan Kravchenko</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a lecturer at Sumy National Agrarian University, attributed the absence of revenue from the law firm he co-founded to </span><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">pro bono</span></i><span style="font-weight: 400;"> work. </span></p>
<p><b>Anton Baida</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, an associate professor at the Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University, similarly stated that despite holding an attorney&#8217;s license, he handled nearly all cases for free — for acquaintances — citing it as a way to test his theoretical knowledge in practice. He also noted that he lacked the funds to cover the mandatory continuing professional development required of licensed attorneys.</span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<h3><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pardoning drunk drivers</span></h3>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The HQCJ and PCIE also scrutinized candidates&#8217; judicial track records, specifically a pattern of mass case closures involving drunk driving charges on grounds of statutory time limits having lapsed. </span></p>
<p><b>Oleh Marchuk</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Vasylkiv City-District Court in Kyiv Region, explained that procedural notification issues were common in such cases and that his workload had been excessive overall. It also emerged that Marchuk himself had accumulated more than 20 administrative traffic violations — he suggested that some may have been committed by his wife, though he acknowledged that in roughly 15 instances, he was indeed the offender.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Similar concerns were raised with </span><b>Iryna Tokarska</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Manevychi District Court, Volyn Region. She justified the mass closures of DUI cases — either on the basis of expired time limits or by imposing fines without license revocation — by pointing to the difficulty of summoning military personnel to court and the fact that some offenders lacked driving licenses. Her decision to close a case involving an intoxicated serviceman, which she explained as a “gesture of leniency” following combat near Bakhmut, drew particular criticism. </span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">I also cannot omit the high-profile moment when NABU and SAPO exposed Ivan Posokhov, a judge of the Siverskodonetsk City Court, Luhansk Region, on charges of soliciting a $30,000 bribe — while he was actively participating in the HACC judicial selection competition. What made it especially striking was his statement during the interview that he was unaware of any misconduct among colleagues or anyone else. On the subject of corruption, he remarked that the phenomenon exists — but that he had never personally encountered it.</span></p>
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			            	I also cannot omit the high-profile moment when NABU and SAPO exposed Ivan Posokhov, a judge of the Siverskodonetsk City Court, Luhansk Region, on charges of soliciting a $30,000 bribe — while he was actively participating in the HACC judicial selection competition.
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			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<h2><span style="font-weight: 400;">On the results</span></h2>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The interview stage, conducted with the participation of international experts and the qualification commission, proved to be an indispensable part of the competition — a moment where candidates could be confronted directly with the most sensitive aspects of their professional histories. It is worth emphasizing that the picture drawn in this article is inevitably incomplete: what matters most is how candidates respond to tough questions when pressed. As we have seen, some answers were deemed sufficient to carry candidates forward.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">As for the process itself — we once again have reason to believe in the effectiveness of this selection model, despite the considerable skepticism that has surrounded it. What this round demonstrates is that involving international experts can genuinely ensure transparency, quality, and independence in the appointment of HACC judges — and that this is not merely a box-ticking exercise</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Following this stage, interviews are also conducted by the High Council of Justice (HCJ). If the Council endorses the HQCJ&#8217;s decisions, the President appoints the judges upon its recommendation.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The results of this stage are, in my opinion, something of a compromise. Among those who may advance to become judges are four candidates whose interview responses were notably unconvincing. </span></p>
<p><b>Vladyslav Kukhta</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, presiding judge of the Chernihiv District Court, was called out by the PCIE on ethical grounds. He secured a third term as court chair by exploiting a two-month administrative “pause” in his tenure to circumvent a legal two-term limit. That same maneuver also allowed a colleague to secure lifetime financial benefits at a salary inflated by 10% for the administrative role. In addition, in 2020 he recused himself from a prominent espionage case with Belarusian dimensions, for which the HCJ formally reprimanded him.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Another prospective HACC judge is </span><b>Iryna Teslenko</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, currently a judge of the Kreminna District Court in Luhansk Region, seconded to the Solomianskyi District Court of Kyiv. She was questioned about failing to declare rented housing in Kreminna, a questionable valuation of an apartment in Kharkiv, and a series of profitable car resales by her family. She explained the absence of a registered address by claiming she stayed in hotels on working days and paid in cash; the car profits she attributed to her husband&#8217;s repair work. The HQCJ also flagged a discrepancy between her savings and expenditures during maternity leave, as well as trips to Russia after 2014 — which she justified as an unavoidable necessity in order to purchase medication for her parents.</span></p>
<p><b>Yuliia Retynska</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, mentioned earlier in connection with the registry searches, also had to explain a significant jump in her savings: in 2020 she managed to set aside approximately $15,000, as her net income rose from UAH 300,000 to UAH 700,000. She explained this by deliberately saving for a home purchase and cutting personal expenses sharply following the start of the full-scale invasion.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The final candidate to raise concerns is </span><b>Olha Pevna</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">, a judge of the Troitske District Court in Luhansk Region. PCIE and HQCJ members found inconsistencies in her asset declarations for 2016–2022. Among the financial red flags: in 2019, after accounting for savings, she was left with just UAH 290 per month. She insists her expenses were covered by her children&#8217;s father. The commission noted, however, that this should have been declared. Additional concerns include late submission of financial disclosure reports and suspicious transactions involving the purchase and refund of a defective vehicle bought in the Czech Republic. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The commission was also intrigued by her relationship with her ex-husband: the couple divorced in 2015, yet had a child together in 2020, traveled as a family, and shared property. There is speculation that the divorce may have been fictitious — a means of shielding assets from seizure following a traffic accident in which the husband was involved and victims sustained serious injuries. Pevna denied this, saying contact with her ex-husband was strictly limited to co-parenting.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">What remains critically important now is to see the full written reasoning behind the PCIE and HQCJ decisions for each candidate — and to await the High Council of Justice&#8217;s review.</span></p>
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			            	What remains critically important now is to see the full written reasoning behind the PCIE and HQCJ decisions for each candidate — and to await the High Council of Justice&#8217;s review.
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			            	Andrii Borovyk
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/selecting-judges-for-the-hacc-interviews-in-review/">Selecting Judges for the HACC: Interviews in Review</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>The Accounting Chamber with Half Its Seats Empty: Will Ukraine Manage to Meet the New IMF Benchmark?</title>
		<link>https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/the-accounting-chamber-with-half-its-seats-empty-will-ukraine-manage-to-meet-the-new-imf-benchmark/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Андрій Швадчак]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 23 Mar 2026 09:04:37 +0000</pubDate>
				<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ti-ukraine.org/?post_type=blog&#038;p=32643</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The structural benchmark on appointing members of the Accounting Chamber must be met by the end of this year and we risk to fail it.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/the-accounting-chamber-with-half-its-seats-empty-will-ukraine-manage-to-meet-the-new-imf-benchmark/">The Accounting Chamber with Half Its Seats Empty: Will Ukraine Manage to Meet the New IMF Benchmark?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">At the end of February, the International Monetary Fund approved a</span><a href="https://www.imf.org/en/publications/cr/issues/2026/02/27/ukraine-request-for-an-extended-arrangement-under-the-extended-fund-facility-and-574341"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">new four-year program</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;"> for Ukraine. Among the updated structural benchmarks that Ukraine is expected to meet in 2026, one requirement appeared for the first time: to appoint members of the Accounting Chamber to all vacant positions by the end of the year.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Why did the IMF include this point? Because the Accounting Chamber is Ukraine’s supreme audit institution. It oversees the use of budget funds and international financial assistance, as well as the effectiveness of government programs. For Ukraine’s international partners, this is critical: the country is receiving substantial financial support, and independent auditing of expenditures is a key condition for trust.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Yet for almost two years, the Accounting Chamber has been operating with limited capacity, with more than half of its positions vacant—6 out of 11. The situation was supposed to be fixed through a competition launched after the adoption of the new law reforming the institution in December 2024. The updated selection procedure provides for the creation of a special commission—the Advisory Group of Experts (AGE)—with international experts holding the decisive vote in the selection of candidates for appointment to the Accounting Chamber.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, since June 2025, the Verkhovna Rada failed to vote to establish the AGE. In addition to three international experts, it must include three representatives nominated by parliamentary factions or groups. As a result, parliament has effectively blocked the competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The requirement to appoint the missing members of the Accounting Chamber may give parliament an additional push both to establish the AGE and to appoint the candidates it selects. Compliance with structural benchmarks affects future IMF program reviews and the disbursement of further financing tranches. In other words, this is not just an administrative requirement—it could directly affect Ukraine’s continued financing from international partners.</span></p>
<p><b>That said, timely compliance with this benchmark may be at risk.</b></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The memorandum states that Ukraine intends to establish</span><b> the Advisory Group of Experts by the end of April 2026. </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">However, this plan may be complicated by the fact that candidates for the international expert positions in the AGE were submitted almost a year ago, and with the passage of time, their willingness to serve may now be in doubt. If some of them withdraw, a new nomination process could delay the launch of the competition.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Second, the selection of candidates is a lengthy procedure covering</span><a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/updated-competition-for-the-accounting-chamber-who-will-select-new-members-how-and-when/"> <span style="font-weight: 400;">several stages</span></a><span style="font-weight: 400;">:</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">&#8211;       publication of the competition announcement and submission of application documents (at least 30 days)</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">&#8211;       the competitive selection itself, including approval of the procedure, methodology, and selection criteria, testing and interviews, special vetting of candidates, and the formation of the list of recommended candidates (up to 9 months)</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">&#8211;       submission by the Budget Committee of the list of candidates for parliamentary consideration (up to 10 days), followed by a vote, for which no deadline has been set.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">So even if the AGE is established without delay</span><b>, the process of selecting and appointing candidates to the Accounting Chamber could still take more than 10 months, </b><span style="font-weight: 400;">and even longer if delays arise at individual stages.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In addition, one should not discount parliament’s low legislative activity in recent months, as well as the need to reach a compromise among parliamentary factions—both on appointing the experts and later on appointing the members of the Accounting Chamber.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">But Ukraine does not have that much time:</span><b> the structural benchmark on appointing members of the institution must be met by the end of this year</b><span style="font-weight: 400;">.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Therefore, to avoid the negative consequences of failing to meet one of the IMF’s requirements, parliament needs to find a compromise and bring the issue of establishing the Advisory Group of Experts to the floor as soon as possible, to unblock the Accounting Chamber competition.</span></p>
<p><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">This material was made possible with the support of the MATRA program of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Ukraine. Responsibility for the content lies with the author and does not necessarily reflect the official position of the Embassy.</span></i></p>
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<p><!--/.row--></p><p>The post <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/blogs/the-accounting-chamber-with-half-its-seats-empty-will-ukraine-manage-to-meet-the-new-imf-benchmark/">The Accounting Chamber with Half Its Seats Empty: Will Ukraine Manage to Meet the New IMF Benchmark?</a> first appeared on <a href="https://ti-ukraine.org/en/">Transparency International Ukraine</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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