A slipping CPI score signals Ukraine’s anti-corruption efforts are stagnating

Ukraine’s drop in the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index signals stagnation in anti-corruption efforts, underscoring the need for systemic change amid the ongoing war and EU integration commitments.

Ukraine’s results in the 2024 CPI

Another year has passed, and again we are analyzing Ukraine’s position, now in the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index. This year, Ukraine has lost a point and now has 35 points out of 100 possible and ranks 105th out of 180 countries. 

Losing one point is the result within the margin of error; however, even such minimal dynamics has a meaning. This drop may signal certain stagnation in the fight against corruption, even despite active legislative and governmental actions implemented last year. Ukraine’s indicator in the 2024 CPI must be a signal to the authorities indicating that there have been factors within the country that are affecting our progress in the fight against corruption. And to overcome these obstacles, isolated declarative changes will not suffice; there is a need to introduce systemic changes in the approaches to ruling the country. 

Results shown by EU candidates

Let’s take a closer look at the results our EU-integration colleagues have shown. The indicators of Georgia, Montenegro, and Turkey have not changed, while North Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina have lost two points each and Serbia lost one point. Only two countries have managed to improve their results: Moldova and Albania.

The drop in points or the stagnation demonstrated by the countries is characteristic of the Eastern Europe and Central Asia region and is a general tendency. Ukraine’s result, though, follows from a number of both positive and negative developments in the anti-corruption field. In addition, our result should be considered through the prism of a country repelling a full-scale war imposed on us by a world superpower. 

What about our neighbors?

Ukraine still overtakes Russia and Belarus: these countries have lost 4 points both and are now ranked 154th (22 points) and 114th (33 points), respectively. This is ironic given that earlier, Russia promoted the narrative of Ukraine being a corrupt country and a failed state. These claims can be countered by the fact that over the past 11 years, Ukraine has shown steady progress, gaining 10 points.

Among our neighbors, only Moldova managed to improve its indicator by one point and have 43 in total, while Romania’s result has not changed—46 points. All the other countries in the region lost their previous achievements: Poland (-1/53), Hungary (-1/41), Slovakia (-5/49). Thus, not only Ukraine, but also its neighbors have shown lower results, as compared to last year.   

This year’s context

Despite the full-scale Russian invasion, in the course of these almost three years, Ukraine has managed to implement serious measures to tackle corruption, hence the previous increase in the number of points within the Index.

On the one hand, some events that were widely covered by the media, such as suspicion notices served to public officials or high-level investigations, resulted in positive reforms and, hence, positive changes. Effective interaction between the NABU, the SAPO, and the HACC allowed for many high-profile corruption cases involving former ministers, former MPs, or former Supreme Court chief. The total number of verdicts in the past two years has reached 142. The Verkhovna Rada voted for expanding NABU staff and enhancing the capacity of the SAPO, as well as launched the Accounting Chamber reform by enacting a relevant law. The legislation covering defense procurement was updated and the State Anti-Corruption Program was implemented. What is also of importance, e-declaration and political parties reporting were restored. Finally, the ESBU reform was launched and a step was taken to regulate the plea bargaining tool. 

On the other hand, the country witnessed a number of high-profile scandals, negative tendencies, and decisions, which may well have neutralized the achievements of the steps taken. Among them are the scandals in the MoD—the eggs scandal or the case of the Hrynkevych family on alleged bribery related to clothes procurement for the army. Public indignation was also caused by alleged corruption involving former minister Lozynskyi and meddling in a tender to procure reconstruction works for the recovery of the children’s hospital Okhmatdyt. 

We should note that many events and corruption scandals that stirred up Ukrainians at the end of 2024 were not considered in the CPI for methodological reasons. However, they reinforce the negative trends in the perception of corruption so far and may develop further.

These events include the scandals involving MSEC (medical social and expert commissions) members, publication in Western media about Kyrylo Tymoshenko’s shadow role in reconstruction and obstacles faced by a French entrepreneur in the recovery of Hostomel. The late 2024 saw a serious conflict between the Defense Procurement Agency (DPA) and the MoD concerning the dismissal of the DPA head. The procurement of what later turned out low-quality mines also caused indignation in Ukrainian society. To balance these negative cases, CPI-2025 might consider the launch of the Accounting Chamber reform, the announcement of the NABU’s external audit, and the resumption of large-scale privatization (AEROC sale) of formerly Russia-affiliated assets.

Certain methodology amendments 

As during the previous years, countries’ indicators were calculated based on 8 studies that covered the period from February 2021 to September 2024 inclusive. In three of these studies, Ukraine’s indicator had an increase, while in another five studies, it lost from two to six points.

Notably, in 2024, the global movement Transparency International reviewed its methodology. Therefore, fluctuations at the level of +/- 1 point are within the margin of error and indicate a rather technical change. Still, even a small drop in points should be taken into account and considered as an early warning.

Are conditionalities our only driver?

Ukraine’s indicator in the 2024 CPI demonstrates that our progress in the fight against corruption was mainly due to the implementation of the commitments Ukraine had assumed before our international partners. We can state that European integration remains the impetus, the key driver of reforms in Ukraine. However, even in these circumstances, we saw unexplained delays, a lack of political will, and a desire to preserve some undue influence.

Still, it is crucial to remember that Ukraine is experiencing one of the most brutal wars since World War II, a bloodshed Russia has brought to our land and our people in an attempt to spread its autocratic regime, subdue Ukrainians, and put an end to our democracy. In such circumstances, the unity and support for the processes related to European integration within the country are of vital importance. Therefore, it is essential for the authorities to implement the necessary changes efficiently and do it on time, without any attempts to push through favorable initiatives that may contain corruption risks or undermine our fight against corruption. Negative reaction of society should neither be the reason to improve and develop legislative amendments. Compliance with best practices and recommendations provided to Ukraine by its partners should be the default aspiration and the one-and-only vector chosen by the authorities.  

Just as important is the unwavering support of our international partners. Partner countries must not forget that Russia’s one and only goal is to sow discord, exert its evil propaganda, and drive a wedge between democracies to spread its terrorizing regime. We would like to assume that Poland’s presidency in the EU will give us a much expected impetus to continue actively with reform implementation to bring Ukraine closer to the EU.   

A Wake Up Call

The situation Ukraine finds itself in this year’s Corruption Perceptions Index is a call for action to the authorities. All the maneuvers and attempts to stall or dodge changes necessary to fulfill Ukraine’s commitments before our partners and promises we gave ourselves after the Revolution of Dignity or after the start of the full-scale war have influenced our current positions.

We must not lose what has been achieved in the ten years of steady progress. Moreover, we must strive to get better, despite the war and despite the unfavorable circumstances because this is the only way we can preserve our statehood and ensure our future.