Over the past year, and especially in recent months, at Transparency International Ukraine we have been witnessing attempts to roll back anti-corruption initiatives — something we regularly sound the alarm about at various levels. Countering these attempts has long been my top priority.
When the results of our latest sociological survey on Ukrainians’ perceptions of corruption came in, I was once again convinced that the public’s demand is the exact opposite of what the authorities are doing — or, more precisely, not doing at all.
What did we find?
Three-quarters (73%) of Ukrainians believe corruption can only be defeated through systemic reforms, while more than half (51%) think the government is doing nothing at all to fight it.
But is the government prepared to respond to such a demand? And how can this be done in the midst of a full-scale war? These are questions that require deeper reflection.
When the results of our latest sociological survey on Ukrainians’ perceptions of corruption came in, I was once again convinced that the public’s demand is the exact opposite of what the authorities are doing — or, more precisely, not doing at all.
Andrii Borovyk
Where does the gap come from?
This was not our first corruption perceptions survey, but this year we chose to examine public sentiment from several angles. After all, relying solely on media reports or politicians’ statements leaves everyone with their own impression.
It will surprise no one that corruption remains a top concern, with 87% of respondents calling it widespread. We thought this figure somewhat inflated, yet such feelings are hardly unusual in a society electrified by the fourth year of war. That impression is reinforced by answers to another question: 44% of people say corruption has increased in the past year, while another 42% say nothing has changed.
Given the lack of zeal with which the government is “implementing” anti-corruption reform, these responses, though discouraging, do not diverge much from our own expectations.
What did surprise us, however, was that only 25% of Ukrainians noticed progress in fighting corruption over the past decade. Another 20% acknowledged both positive and negative developments, while fully 51% said there had been no real changes since the Revolution of Dignity.
How did this happen? How did this perception arise? We certainly have witnessed — and contributed to — significant reforms in this area.
Part of the answer, I believe, lies in our society’s short memory, repeatedly on display during recent elections. War also distorts recollections. It is difficult enough to remember last winter, let alone the pre-war years.
Still, this general assessment of the last decade is an alarming signal, even if not definitive. Perceptions change quickly. Many of the young people who gathered near the Ivan Franko Theater in July likely have little memory of corruption levels in 2015 or earlier. They simply had other concerns at the time.
However, the presence of those who do believe there has been progress offers hope: in five or ten years, many more may recognize real achievements.
The data point that only a third of respondents had ever encountered a bribe request, of whom just 23% admitted to paying, suggests this possibility. In fact, 70% of Ukrainians said they had no such experience at all, and the majority of those who did refused to comply.
It’s great that people have learned to say no in recent years. It reflects growing intolerance toward corruption, an evolution accelerated by years of constant stress. This is progress: not fully realized, perhaps, but visible to those who look at the numbers.
Instead, we see the country’s leaders repeating the same mistakes: claiming corruption does not exist or is exaggerated. Rather than acknowledging concrete problems and communicating real steps, they present near-total denial.
As a result, 72% of Ukrainians treat reports of corruption suspicions with skepticism. They see them as mere PR by law enforcement and assume corrupt officials will simply buy their way out. People expect real punishment — prison terms and confiscation of ill-gotten assets, as 60% of respondents indicated.
No wonder, then, that while society encounters bribery less frequently, it reacts far more sharply to what it does hear or read. With no verifiable successes, compounded by distrust of those tasked with reporting them, half of Ukrainians consider the government inactive in combating corruption.
This is a figure that those on Pechersk Hills and in other state institutions cannot afford to ignore.
With no verifiable successes, compounded by distrust of those tasked with reporting them, half of Ukrainians consider the government inactive in combating corruption.
Andrii Borovyk
Systemic reforms: the only cure
The most striking and encouraging finding is that Ukrainians once again demonstrate remarkable wisdom. They see systemic reforms as the only solution. This is a clear signal: what is being done now is not enough.
Of course, people may interpret “systemic reforms” differently. It is even more likely that some of those Ukrainians who see such reforms as the only right course are themselves not ready for them, since these changes would have to take place at multiple levels, including the one closest to them. But Ukrainians understand that to defeat corruption, government action must be broader, deeper, and more comprehensive.
This raises another question: is our government at any level truly capable of designing and implementing such profound reforms? These require years of effort and must touch virtually every sector; otherwise, they cannot be systemic.
Ukraine has long struggled with long-term change. It demands time and people who are stubborn, motivated, and willing to begin, continue, and complete what was initiated — sometimes even by political rivals.
In Western democracies, this political continuity often exists: new governments continue the effective reforms of their predecessors because they serve the state, not personal ambition.
In Ukraine, unfortunately, this is rare. Too often, every new administration tries to start from scratch, dismantling previous achievements to make way for something supposedly “real.” And all too often, such a “grand” or “genuine” reform boils down merely to passing a law or resolution, or announcing a competition for new appointments — as if that alone were the very change everyone had been waiting for. Of course, that is not enough.
Another side of the problem: how can systemic reforms even begin, let alone succeed, in the fourth year of war?
For now, reforms of any kind have all but stalled. There seems to be no political will, and measures are taken only after insistence from international partners. What can we say about launching truly systemic reforms when even targeted ones already in motion have been stuck for months? Take, for example, Parliament’s failure since June to vote on creating an Advisory Group of Experts to select new members of the Accounting Chamber. The reform of this body was initiated back in the autumn of last year. The process was seemingly started, yet to this day, even the people tasked with choosing new members have not been appointed.
Beyond inertia, reforms must still be designed, implemented, and staffed. Yet qualified professionals were scarce even before the war, and are nearly absent now. Recall how the Cabinet was “renewed” this summer.
Does this mean Ukrainians should not even dream of such changes, given the apparent lack of will, people, and capacity to make them happen? Not at all. Demand always creates supply; those who search will eventually find if only the search begins in earnest.
History shows that in Ukraine, public demands are always met — if necessary, through protest.
Our survey was conducted before the rallies in July defending the independence of the NABU and the SAPO, but it nonetheless revealed the tensions that later spilled into the streets. People today tend to focus on the negative, which is hardly surprising amid constant shelling and grim news from the front.
But that very negativity makes it impossible to cover up or downplay corruption scandals. On the contrary, people perceive them more sharply and react more strongly. Such attitudes ultimately force the authorities back to reality: corruption is not fiction, but a real problem that troubles citizens and requires resolution.
People are waiting for systemic change. They will not tolerate corruption, they do not believe in piles of dollar bills displayed during raids, and they demand actual jail sentences for genuine corrupt officials. They want effective solutions that improve daily life. People want profound change and justice. Which means, sooner or later, those changes will come — through collective effort, and with real results.
People want profound change and justice. Which means, sooner or later, those changes will come — through collective effort, and with real results.
Andrii Borovyk